
Qass. 
Book. 



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[L ^ M © [}^ T [}^ © N 



THE LIFE 



PHILIP MELANCHTHOK 



CHARLES FREDERICK LEDDERHOSE. 



franslatji) ixm t|{ §nmm, 



BY THE ' ,A. 

KEY. G:'f. KROTEL, 

PASTOR OF TRINITY LUTHERAN CHURCH, LANCASTER, PA. 




PHILADELPHIA: 
LINDSAY & BLAKISTON 

18 57. 



<<^ 



3 



3- 



•Y^ 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1854, by 

LINDSAY & BLAKISTON, 

in the Clerk's OflBce of the District Court of the United States for 
the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. 



(2) 



AUTHOR'S PREFACE, 



Luther occupies so great, unrivalled, and apostolical 
a position among the Reformers, that we should not 
feel surprised to see his life and labors presented to the 
evangelical community again and again. Although 
we are far from encouraging an idolatrous worship of 
the man, we believe we are acting in the spirit of the 
word of God, when we encourage men to follow his 
faith. But we should act very ungratefully if, on ac- 
count of this Prince in Israel, we should lose sight of 
the other distinguished men of God in the days of the 
Reformation. And among these, Philip Melanchthon 
occupies the highest place. The age in which he lived 
called him the Teacher of the German people, because 
he exerted a powerful influence upon the scientific and 
Christian culture of Germany. And we too may give 
him the same name, for his writings continue to exert 
a great influence, and justly claim our consideration. 
To show that this is indeed true, that he is still calcu- 
lated to be the teacher of the German people, especially 

iii 



IV AUTHORS PREFACE. 

of the evangelical community, is the object of this Bio- 
graphy. As this volume was prepared for the general 
reader, all learned discussions were necessarily avoided. 
It does not enter into critical investigations, but faith- 
fully appropriates known facts, in order to present 
them to the reader in an intelligible manner. A candid 
examination must decide how far the author has suc- 
ceeded in accomplishing this object. It is the first 
attempt of the kind, for the Life of Melanchthon has 
not been written often; and when it was written, it 
was not treated in a popular manner. 

It was therefore the principal aim of the author of 
the present volume to present a truthful picture of the 
faith and the life of the Reformer. The man who 
wrote the Augsburg Confession, and its Apology, Con- 
fessions which, after three hundred years, are still a 
stumbling-block to some, but also an encouragement 
and consolation to many ; a man who, notwithstanding 
all his scientific attainments, in which he no doubt ex- 
celled the great majority in our own day, yet held fast 
to the fundamental principles of Christianity, to the ma- 
nifestation of God in the Flesh, to the Redemption, to 
Justification by Faith, in life and in the hour of death, 
— undoubtedly deserves to be introduced from the past 
into the present, in order to preach salvation in Christ 
to the present generation. 

If Melanchthon's godly walk and conversation should 
be instrumental in leading him who is a stranger to 



author's PREFACE. V 

salvation in Christ, to seek this ; if it should serve to 
comfort and strengthen others, then may that word of 
the Scriptures be remembered : " The memory of the 
just is blessed;'' and may every one gratefully rejoice, 
with the Eeformer, in that glorious promise: '•'•And 
they that he wise shall shine as the brightness of the firma- 
ment ; and they that turn many to righteousness, as the 
stars for ever and ever.'' 

Ardently desiring that this volume may be useful 
and profitable unto salvation to very many, we suffer 
it to go forth upon its way. 



St. G. On the first Sunday in Advent, 1846. 



TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. 



Melanchthon has been called the most amiable, the 
purest, and most learned of the celebrated men of the 
sixteenth century. The distinguished Erasmus con- 
fesses, that he was a general favorite, that honest and 
candid men were fond of him, and even his adversaries 
cannot hate him. And he has succeeded in securing 
the affections of posterity, and, more than any other 
one of the valiant champions of the Reformation, is the 
general favorite of all evangelical Christians, and still 
seems to stand as the gentle mediator between the two 
great divisions of the Protestant Church formed at that 
time, claimed and loved by both. 

Yet, notwithstanding all this, we venture to say, 
that a very large proportion of Protestant readers know 
no more of the life of this lovely man of God, than that 
which is interwoven with the life of Luther. His life 
has not been written for the people even by his own 
countrymen, and our author presents us with the first 
attempt of this kind. In our own language we have 
but one Life of Melanchthon, the one written by Dr. 
Cox, the first American edition of which, from the 
second London edition, is now lying before us, bearing 
the date 1835. Admirable as this work has been ac- 

vii 



Vm TRANSLATOR S PREFACE. 

knowledged to be, we believe the work of Ledderhose 
to be still more calculated for general reading. Our 
author assures us that it was " his principal aim to pre- 
sent a truthful picture of the faith and the life of the 
Reformer;" and it is this constant exhibition of his 
inner life, even in his own words, which is calculated 
to edify as well as instruct. Besides this, many inci- 
dents in his own life, and interesting events and ques- 
tions after the death of Luther, omitted or briefly men- 
tioned in Dr. Cox's work, will be found here. A num- 
ber of facts, mentioned by Cox and others, have been 
added by the translator, iand will be found in the notes 
scattered through the volume. The style is very simple 
and popular, and this simplicity and frequent quaintness 
of expression, especially in the numerous extracts from 
letters and declarations of faith, rendered the work of 
translation more difficult, especially as it seemed ne- 
cessary and desirable to retain the homeliness of the 
German as much as possible. 

Believing that this portraiture of the life of Melanch- 
thon cannot offend the feelings of any Protestant Chris- 
tian, but that it is calculated to afford instruction and 
edification to the old and young, the translator humbly 
trusts, that it may not only make Lutherans, but many 
other evangelical Christians, better acquainted with the 
"faith and life" of the faithful friend of Luther, and 
distinguished author of the Augsburg Confession. 

G. F. K 

Lancasibr, November, 1854. 



CONTENTS. 



Page 
AUTHOR'S PREFACE 3 



TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE 



CHAPTER I. 
His Youth 13 

CHAPTER 11. 
The University 21 

CHAPTER III. 
His Debut in Wittenberg, and at the Leipzig Disputation 29 

CHAPTER IV. 
Building and Fighting 35 

CHAPTER V. 
Melanchthon without Luther 41 

CHAPTER VL 
Labors, Recreation, and Trouble 51 

CHAPTER VIL 

The War of the Peasants 59 

(ix) 



X CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Page 

His Labors for the Church and Schools 67 

CHAPTER IX. 
The Diet of Spire 75 

CHAPTER X. 
The Conference at Marburg 81 

CHAPTER XL 
^he Diet of Augsburg 89 

CHAPTER XIL 

The Position of the Evangelical Party after the Diet of Augsburg ... 117 

CHAPTER XIIL 

The Kings of France and England, and Melanchthon 123 

CHAPTER XIV. 
The Wittenberg Form of Concord 131 

CHAPTER XV. 
Recreation and Trouble 139 

CHAPTER XVI. 
The Convention at Smalkald 147 

CHAPTER XVII. 
Conflicts in the Evangelical Camp 153 

. CHAPTER XVIIL 

The Assembly of the Princes at Frankfort, and the Victories of the 

Reformation 159 

CHAPTER XIX. 
Help in a Dangerous Illness •. 167 



CONTENTS. XI 

CHAPTER XX. 

Page 
Worms and Ratisbon 177 

CHAPTER XXI. 
Progress of the Reformation 194 

CHAPTER XXII. 
The School of Tribulation 200 

CHAPTER XXIII. 
Worms and Ratisbon again 205 

CHAPTER XXIV. 
Luther Dies, and Melanchthon Mourns 211 

CHAPTER XXV. 
War and the Misery of War 221 

CHAPTER XXVI. 
Restoration of the University of Wittenberg 229 

CHAPTER XXVII. 
The Diet of Augsburg and its Interim 236 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 
How the Interim fared in the Electorate of Saxony 244 

CHAPTER XXIX. 
Disputes about the Leipzig Interim 254 

CHAPTER XXX. ' 

The Conflict with Osiander 263 

CHAPTER XXXI. 
The Changed Attitude of the Elector Maurice 270 



Xll CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XXXII. 

Page 

Doctrinal Controversies, and Attempts to bring about a Union 278 

CHAPTER XXXIII. 
The Religious Conference at Worms 297 

CHAPTER XXXIV. 
The Last Years of his Life, real Years of Sorrow 307 

CHAPTER XXXV. 
His Domestic Life 822 

CHAPTER XXXVL 
Something more of Melanchthon's Merits 335 

CHAPTER XXXVIL 
He Dies 339 



lit u! Pelauditljciu 



CHAPTER I. 

HIS YOUTH. 

In a hillj part of the Kraichgau lies the city of Bretten. 
In former times it belonged to the Electors of the Palati- 
nate, and in the year 1504 defended itself bravely against 
Duke Ulrich of WUrtemberg, and also manifested a brave 
loyalty to its hereditary sovereign in the war of the pea- 
sants. It is now included in the Grand-Duchy of Baden. 
It has acquired an imperishable name, because a great 
man, Philip Melanchthon, was born in it. We will begin 
by hearing what an old account relates of his ancestors and 
parents, his birth and youth. 

" In the days of the Count Palatine Philip, Elector on 
the Bhine, there lived in Heidelberg, before the mountain, 
a worthy, pious man, named Claus Schwartzerd. With 
Elizabeth, his wife, he begat two sons, Hans and George, 
and from their youth up trained them in the fear of God, 
and the practice of every virtue. The Count Palatine 
Philip took so great a liking to George, who was a very 
active and ingenious lad, and discharged every duty most 
diligently, that he took him to Court, and permitted him 
to examine a number of professions, in order by this means 
2 (13) 



14 LIFE OF M E L A N C H T II N. 

to satisfy himself wliat his inclinations were, and what 
might be made of him. When the boy, therefore, took 
delight in armor, the Elector placed him in charge of a 
master in Amberg. He learned the trade so rapidly that 
every one was astonished, and the journeymen became so 
hostile to him, that one of them on a certain occasion 
burned him with hot lead in so dangerous a manner that 
his life was despaired of, and he was only saved by Divine 
mercy, and very faithful nursing." By order of the Elector 
he was then sent to an armorer in Nuremberg. Here 
also he made rapid advances. ''Eor the boy was so inge- 
nious, that, as we commonly say, his hands could imitate 
whatever his eyes saw. He could forge as neatly as if it 
had been done with a file." In a few years he was able to 
make everything needful for the tournament. The Elector 
again took him to Court, and appointed him an armorer 
or armor-bearer. He became so celebrated, that even 
foreign potentates courted him. Even the German Em- 
peror Maximilian had his armor made by him. For a 
very skilful suit of armor, the Emperor presented him 
with a family coat of arms, representing a lion sitting upon 
a shield and helmet, holding tongs and a hammer in his 
paws. George's son, our Philip, never made use of this 
coat of arms, his own representing the serpent upon the 
cross, alluding to the well-know^n typical event in the wil- 
derness. When George was thirty years old, the Elector 
thought of having him married. A well-known citizen of 
Bretten, Hans Reuter, '^ a very fine, sensible man, who 
had even studied," enjoying great respect, having served 
as Mayor of the place for several years, had a daughter 
called Barbara. " She was a virtuous and well-bred 
maiden. By the providence of Almighty God, and the 
negotiations of the Elector, she was promised to him in 



U I S Y U T II . 15 

marriage, and they were mamecl in Spire, in the presence 
of many knights, who appeared to do honor to his espou- 
sals." The ancient account goes on to say: "The mar- 
ried couple continued to love and esteem each other, for 
the said George Schwartzerd was a just, pious. God- 
fearing man, serving God earnestly, praying diligently, 
and observing his hours of prayer as strictly as any priest, 
permitting nothing to hinder him from the discharge of 
this duty, so that he would arise in the night, fall upon his 
knees, and pray with earnestness. No one ever heard him 
utter a profane word, or saw him intoxicated, or even heard 
of anything of the kind of him to the day of his death." 
He did not concern himself especially with laying up this 
world's goods, and he was never seen in the courts to carry 
on lawsuits. His wife, besides her piety, and domestic, 
frugal spirit, exercised benevolence towards the poor and 
afflicted. The familiar saying was often upon her lips : 
''Alms do not impoverish," and the lines also — 

Whoever wishes to consume more 
Than his plough can support, 
Will at last come to ruin, 
And die upon the gallows. 

After living childless for four years, a son was born to 
them on the 16i:h of February, 1497, on the Thursday 
after the first Sunday in Lent, who, in baptism, received 
the name of Philip. '' Thus does God bless this pious and 
godly man with the gift of such a child, which afterwards 
became a blessing to the whole land, yea, many lands, and 
the w^hole of Christendom, and will remain so to the end 
of the world." Their marriage was further blessed by the 
birth of another son and three daughters. 

Philip, and his brother George, four years younger 
than himself, attended the town-school of Bretten, to ac- 



16 LITE OF MELANCHTIION. 

quire the rudiments of human learning. But because a 
malignant disease was rao-inoj at that time, and their teacher 
himself was confined with it, their careful grandfather 
Renter removed the boys from school, fearing lest they 
too might be attacked, and provided a private tutor for 
them in his own house. His name was John Unger. A 
little grandson, John Renter, enjoyed these instructions 
together with the two boys. linger was an excellent 
teacher, who laboured to give his pupils a thorough edu- 
cation. He took especial pains in his Latin instructions. 
Melanchthon, who was ^'a master in that language," in 
after years could not sufiiciently praise the teacher of his 
youth. He says of him : "He loved me as a son, and I 
loved him as a father." linger was afterwards made court 
chaplain of the Margrave Philip of Baden, and continued 
to preach the gospel faithfully in Pforzheim to a very ad- 
vanced age. " When their grandfather observed the dili- 
gence of the boys, he bought them a Missal, in order 
that they might become familiar with the hymns of the 
church, whilst pursuing their other studies ; and he re- 
quired of them to take their places in the choir on all holy 
days. About this time the great Bachanti (so called rov- 
ing scholars) roved through the country. When one of 
these came to Bretten, his grandfather would set Philip to 
dispute with him. It was a rare thing to find one who 
was a match for him. This pleased the old man, and he 
took special delight in these contests. The boy too be- 
came bolder, and more fond of study. And his grand- 
father took care to provide books and other things, so that 
the boy might not be hindered." 

The extraordinary gifts of little Philip manifested them- 
selves at an early period. He was possessed of a quick 
perception, a retentive memory, and great acuteness. He 



H I S Y U T H . 17 

was continually engaged in asking questions during school 
hours, and afterwards, he would seek out his friends, in 
order to converse more about what he had learned. It 
was impossible not to love the boy, for he was peculiarly 
amiable and modest. His talkativeness found a great 
obstacle in his stammering tongue, which, however, he en- 
deavoured to surmount. It is said of him, that in early 
life he could be very easily irritated ; but he would some- 
times apply to himself the saying : " He cuts and stabs, 
and yet hurts nobody." 

His grandfather was particularly attached to Philip, 
and it is to be regretted that the worthy man was so soon 
to leave the land of his pilgrimage, which happened in the 
year 1507. As Philip's father was frequently taken away 
from home by his many engagements, he was obliged to 
intrust the education of his children to his wife and her 
father. We are told " he enjoined it upon his father-in- 
law, Hans Keuter, to look to his children, so that they 
might be sent to school regularly, and might learn some- 
thing profitable." In his travels he came to Manheim, in 
Neuburg, in 1504. His sovereign had summoned him 
thither, in order that he might be nearer him in preparing 
and forwarding ordnance in the Bavarian war. Here, 
however, he found an incurable disease. The wells from 
which he drank were poisoned. As the life of this man 
was of great value to the prince, he left no efi"orts untried 
to save him, but all proved in vain. It is true he lived 
for four years after this, but in a very helpless condition. 
About the very time when grandfather Renter died, 
Schwartzerd was also lying upon his death-bed. Three 
days before his death, he expressed himself to the following 
eifect : '' These three things I will also leave my little 
children when I die — that they are in the bosom of the 
2* 



18 LITE OP MELANCHTHON. 

true Christian Church, that they are one in Him, and 
united among each other, and heirs of eternal life." When 
he felt the approach of death, he called for Philip, then 
ten years old, commended him to Grod, and exhorted him 
to fear God. Dying, he said, "I have experienced many 
changes in the world, but greater ones are coming. My 
prayer is, that God may rule you in them. I counsel thee, 
my son, to fear God, and live honestly." These words 
were treasured in the boy's memory as long as he lived. 
In order that he might not behold the death of his father, 
he was sent to Spire. He was naturally very tender- 
hearted, and the communication of his father's illness 
deeply moved him. He says : ''Like all children, I had 
never yet thought of sickness and death, nor had I ever 
seen a sick person or a corpse. When my mother, there- 
fore, told me, — 'Your father is ill,' I was obliged to ask 
what that imported. But she had scarcely given me an 
idea of it, when I was overwhelmed with grief." On the 
27th of October, of the same year in which his grandfather 
Renter died, his father also finished his course, in the 
forty-ninth year of his age. But a very important outward 
change for the boy was brought about by these two deaths. 
The three boys, who had hitherto enjoyed Unger's instruc- 
tions, were removed, in the autumn of this year, to the 
Latin school in the city of Pforzheim, in Baden. Their 
mother had a relative, named Elizabeth, a sister of the 
well-known distinguished scholar Beuchlin,* residing in 
Pforzheim. The boys lodged in her house. 

The able Bector, George Simler, and John Hilden- 

^' This learned scholar, known to the learned by the name of 
Capnio, was a native of Pforzheim, and successively a teacher of 
languages at Basle and at Orleans. He was the restorer of letters 
in Germany, and the author of several treatises on Philosophy. 



II I S Y U T H . 19 

BRAND, were their teacliers. The Latin language was then 
the principal study, and the great object to be reached was, 
that the pupils should be able to speak it. The Greek 
language was still a very rare accomplishment. Simler, 
who had some knowledge of it, only introduced it to the 
notice of his ablest pupils. It was Philip Schwartzerd's 
good fortune to be one of this number, and he used the 
opportunity with great profit to himself. Of Simler, he 
somewhere says : " He first unlocked the meaning of the 
Greek and Latin Poets to me, and introduced me to a 
purer philosophy." He met with this teacher again in the 
University at Tubingen. In Pforzheim he was fortunate 
enough to become better acquainted with the celebrated 
John Reuchlin, who then resided in WUrtemberg, as 
President of the Swabian Court of the Confederates. 
Reuchlin took great delight in the talented boy, gave him 
his paternal regard, called him his son, and presented him 
with beautiful and useful books. On a certain occasion he 
also gave him his chestnut-colored Doctor's hat, and placed 
it on the boy's head. "All this greatly pleased Philip, 
and he so advanced in his studies, that he was soon pro- 
moted to a place among the largest and oldest pupils." 
Eeuchlin also gave young Schwartzerd the name of Me- 
LANCHTHON,* which is the Greek word for his own name, 
(black earth). It was then a very general custom to 
change German names into Greek. After the year 1531, 
he did not write his name Melanchthon, but Melanthon, 
most likely because this is more easily pronounced. 

* He "wrote a humorous piece in the form of a comedy, which he 
dedicated to Reuchlin, to show the sense he entertained of his truly 
parental kindness, and engaged his schoolfellows to perform it in 
his presence. It was upon this occasion that he gave him the name 
of Melanchthon. 



20 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

But it is time to notice the internal development of tlie 
boy. As the parents lived in the fear of God, this was 
also aimed at in the education of their children. Philip 
soon exhibited a great love for the public services of the 
house of God. He was especially delighted with the his- 
tories of the holy men of the Christian Church. Of these 
he heard much, both in the church and at home. Had the 
Gospel been opened to him at that time, he would doubt- 
less have received it joyfully. However, he admits the 
use of the Legends of the saints in the words : ^' It was a 
part of our domestic discipline rather to employ the boys 
with these matters, than to permit them to run about the 
streets, or engage in wild noise." As a matter of course, 
such food, as the Church then profferred, could not satisfy 
an inquiring mind like that of Philip. The law, as it was 
then exclusively employed by the Catholic Church, was 
barely able to plow up the soil of the heart. But when 
it is yet considered, in addition to this, that the laws of 
God occupied the background behind the frequently ridi- 
culous laws of the Church, it is matter for surprise that so 
many spiritual wants were yet felt, as we find to be the 
case with young Melanchthon. But his mind at this time 
was still principally directed to the acquisition of learning, 
of which he had already gathered an unusually large store 
in Pforzheim, by the instructions of Simler, and the en- 
couragement of the deeply-learned Beuchlin. 



THE U2NIVEESITY. 21 



CHAPTER II. 

THE UNIVERSITY. 

When he had spent two years in the town-school of 
Pforzheim, he had improved himself so much that he wrote 
down his own thoughts, both in the Latin and Greek lan- 
guages, with facility. He already composed neat verses 
in these strange languages. Thus it came to pass, that, 
although he was but thirteen years old, he could already 
enter the University of HEiDELBERa. His acquirements 
were of a superior character. He was received as a stu- 
dent on the 13th of October, 1509. In Heidelberg it was 
his good fortune to become an inmate of the house of a 
distinguished scholar, Dr. Pallas Spengel. Although 
Pallas held fast to the established order of things in reli- 
gious matters, he was not opposed to anything better. 
Melanchthon rejoiced in after life that he had enjoyed the 
intercourse of this aged, and, in his own way, pious pro- 
fessor. He was instructed in the elements of astronomy by 
Dr. Caesarius, and praised him in the -following words: "I 
acknowledge that I owe particular esteem and gratitude to 
him as my teacher." But he principally devoted himself 
to the ancient languages, and that with such zeal, that his 
knowledge of them increased more and more, and the' 
learned boy became generally known in Heidelberg. On 
a certain occasion the teacher had proposed a very difficult 
question, and asked, " Where will I find a Grecian ?" The 
students cried out with one voice : '' Melanchthon ! Me- 



22 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

lanchthon !" He was generally called "the Grecian."* 
At another time a teacher was suddenly seized with illness 
during the hour of instruction. He did not stop the lec- 
ture, however, but without delay said : " Philip, let your 
fellow-students proceed, and do you occupy my place." 
His quiet and decorous conduct procured him the distinc- 
tion of instructing the sons of the Count Louis of Lowen- 
stein. The Counts became so attached to him, that they 
maintained a friendly correspondence with hiin in after 
years. On the 10th of June, 1511, he was already 
honoured with the degree of Bachelor of Arts. Although 
he spent many happy hours in Heidelberg, in the society 
of learned men and talented youths, yet did the place no 
longer satisfy him. 

This was partly owing to the fact, that the University 
did not number such men among its instructors, under 
whom he could make any further great progress, and 
partly also to the climate of Heidelberg, which did not 
agree with him. He was annually troubled with fever in 
the Spring, which enfeebled him very much, so that his 
anxious mother strongly wished for a change of residence. 
To this was added, that he was seeking the degree follow- 
ing the Baccalaureate, that of Master of Arts. His 
instructors, however, considered themselves bound to deny 
this request, ''because he was too young, and of too child- 
ish an appearance." This occasioned great pain to the 
young man, and made his departure still more desirable. 
In after life, it is true, he formed a correct judgment of the 
refusal of his youthful request : "It is often very good for 

^ His proficiency in the Greek was so remarkable, that even at 
this early age he composed Rudiments of the language, which were 
afterwards published. 



THE UNIVERSITY. 23 

yoimg persons if their wishes are not all gratified. This I 
experienced at Heidelberg." 

In the autumn of the year 1512 we find Melanchthon 
upon the road to the University of Tiibingen. It had not 
long before been founded by Duke Everard with the 
beard, a man who was ever anxious for the welfare of his 
country. 

Tubingen had at that time already a good reputation. 
That which Melanchthon considered the most important, 
employed his labors also in this nursery of science. The 
Greeks and Komans were his favorites, yet not in a one- 
sided manner ; for he was also attracted by mathematics 
and astronomy, to which he was encouraged by the distin- 
guished Professor Stoffler. When he was therefore en- 
gaged in reading the Greek writer Hesiod, with his friend 
Hausschein, who became so well known and useful in the 
Reformation under the name of Oecolampadius, he could 
obtain an explanation of those passages which referred to 
astronomy, from Stofeler alone. He also made himself 
acquainted with jurisprudence and medicine. He gathered 
a mass of information, which in a young man of his age 
can really be called extraordinary. But divinity attracted 
him above all other things. This did not flow from the 
unrefreshing spirit which then pervaded this science. The 
old beaten track of the middle ages was still pursued in 
all the universities. Altogether neglecting the Bible, the 
only fountain of true Christianity, men were merely con- 
cerned with the teachings of the Church. These were 
empty, fruitless subtleties, in which a sincerely seeking 
soul could find no nourishment. He heard Lempus, the 
most distinguished Professor in this field, who, when ex- 
plaining transubstantiation to his hearers, could write it 
down with chalk upon the board, to make it more intelli- 



24 L I F E F M E L A N C n T H N . 

gible. Melanchthon read tlie writings of William Occam, 
an old scholastic, witli great zeal. But the curious struc- 
ture erected by the Catholic church by its system of doc- 
trine could not attract him any longer, when he had become 
the owner of a Bible. His beloved cousin Reuchlin had 
presented him with one. He loved the holy volume more 
than every thing else, as he became better acquainted with 
its precious contents. As Beuchlin diligently read the 
Holy Book, and took it with him upon his journeys, so now 
did Melanchthon. He carried it with him in his bosom, 
and could not part with it ; "he read it carefully day and 
night." Here he found explanations, which no professor 
in Tiibingen, and no priest in the church were able to give 
him. How disgusted he must have been, to hear priests 
upon the pulpits discourse upon a passage of the Greek 
Philosopher Aristotle, or to listen to another who was 
laboring to prove, that the wooden shoe of the Francis- 
cans was made of the tree of the knowledge of Good and 
Evil in Paradise ! Whenever therefore he went to church, 
he carried his Bible with him. During the progress of the 
ceremonies, and while the people were reading in the pre- 
scribed prayer-books, he was wrapt up in the reading of 
his Bible. Some evil-disposed persons took offence at this, 
and endeavored to render him suspected. 

It is impossible to show in Melanchthon's case, as it can 
be done in that of Luther, and other great men of Christ's 
church, how he arrived at the knowledge of the Truth, 
and an experience of the Grace of God. This saving 
change in him seems, to have been brought about gradually. 
Beyond doubt it was closely connected with the reading 
and deeper searching of the Holy Scriptures. His ac- 
quaintance with Beuchlin was also propitious. Melanch- 
thon frequently journeyed to the not far distant city of 



T II E U N I V E R S I T Y . 25 

Stuttgart, -where Reuchlin then resided. The latter also 
came to Tlibingenj and did not think it beneath him to 
occupy the room and eat the fare of his youthful friend. 
Here they conversed much of the corrupt condition of the 
church. But the time was near -vvhen mere conversation 
should be changed to open testimony. 

At that time great darkness reigned in Cologne. The 
Theologians, as well as the Dominican Monks of that 
place, had demanded that all Jewish writings should be 
burned. When the Emperor called upon Reuchlin for his 
opinion in this matter, he defended most of these writings. 
This enraged the people of Cologne, who were led by the 
baptized Jew Pfefferkorn and the inquisitor Hochstra- 
TEN. They appealed to the Pope. It gave Reuchlin much 
trouble, and caused much correspondence to and fro. Me- 
lanchthon also became involved in the matter, together 
with a large number of the most distinguished men, who 
entered the lists in Reuchlin's defence, and were obliged 
to bear the name of contempt, Reuchlinists. We here 
already meet the well-known knight, Ulrich von Hutten, 
who wielded a sharp pen, as well as the brave and noble 
Francis von Sickingen with the knightly sword. 

Before this time, January 25, 1514, consequently in the 
17th year of his life, Melanchthon, as the first among 
eleven candidates, received the degree of Master of Arts, 
and the privilege of delivering lectures. He lectured 
principally on Virgil, Terence, Cicero and Livy, and at 
once exhibited his great talents as a teacher. The students 
listened to him with pleasure, and soon many distinguished 
young men gathered around him. But he not only gained 
applause in his chair in the University ; he also began to 
appear as an author. As early as the year 1516, Eras- 
mus of Rotterdam, one of the most learned men of that 
3 



26 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

time, gave him the warmest eulogium in the words : " My 
God, what promising hopes does Philip Melanchthon give 
us, who, yet a youth, yes almost a boy, deserves equal 
esteem for his knowledge of both languages ! What saga- 
city in argument, what purity of expression, what a rare 
and comprehensive knowledge, what extensive reading, 
what a delicacy and elegance of mind does he not dis- 
play I" * 

A man of such mind and acquirements, and who, besides 
all this, bore a deeper knowledge within, could no longer 
remain in his confined position in Tubingen. The Lord 
of the Church had selected a different theatre for his la- 
bors and struggles. When, by the advice of Reuchlin, 
he had declined a call to the bigoted University of Ingol- 
stadt, another extensive and richly blessed field of labor 
was thrown open to him. The Elector Frederick of 
Saxony, who has very properly been called the Wise, in 
the spring of the year 1518, wrote to E-euchlin from Augs- 
burg, where he was attending the Diet, requesting him to 
propose to him a teacher of the Greek, and one of the 
Hebrew language, for his University at Wittenberg. 
Wittenberg had already acquii'ed a great reputation, not 
only in Germany, but throughout Europe, on account of 
the mighty and bold step which an Augustinian Monk, 
Martin Luther, had taken about half a year before. 
Who has not heard of the 95 Theses, nailed by that monk 

* Erasmus also wrote to Oecolampadius, " Of Melanchthon I have 
already the highest opinion, and cherish the most magnificent hopes : 
so much so, that I am persuaded Christ designs this youth to excel 
us all : he will totally eclipse Erasmus !" In a letter to Julius Pflug, 
he says : " He not only excels in learning and eloquence, but by a 
certain fatality is a general favorite. Honest and candid men are 
fond of him, and even Ms adversaries cannot hate him !" 



THEUNIVERSITY. 27 

on the church door at Wittenberg, on the 31st of October, 
1517, against the doctrine of indulgences, and other mat- 
ters connected with it, and which circulated so rapidly, 
that it seemed almost, in the language of a contemporary, 
as if the angels had served as footposts ? All better dis- 
posed minds, to which class Reuchlin also belonged, joy- 
fully welcomed the appearance of the intrepid monk of 
Wittenberg. When, therefore, the request of the Elector, 
to seek out two professors, was made to Reuchlin, he could 
not propose a more able and suitable man to Frederick 
the Wise than his own relative Melanchthon. He had re- 
ceived the youthful ma&ter's permission to do this. The 
Elector was highly pleased, especially as Tiibingen had 
already supplied him with several able men. Testimony 
concerning Melanchthon, such as that given by Reuchlin, 
could not but produce the most favorable impression. He 
says : "Among the Germans I know of no one who excels 
him, except Erasmus of Rotterdam, and he is an Hol- 
lander." 

As Duke Uleich felt the loss he was about to sustain, 
he endeavored to retain him. An old narrative gives us 
the following account : " In the meantime, Duke Ulrich, 
of Wurtemberg, who wished to keep Philip in his own land, 
sent Conrad von Sickingen, who was then his servant, 
to master Philip's mother, to inform her, that if her son 
wished to enter the priesthood, he could apply to his 
Grace. Then he would also provide him with a good 
benefice, on account of his sainted father's faithful ser- 
vices. However, Philip had no inclination to become a priest, 
but intended to comply with the invitation of the Elector 
of Saxony, and to serve his Grace the Elector and the 
University, which also eventually came to pass." 

Reuchlin dismissed his young friend in a parental man- 



28 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

ner with these beautiful words : '' ' Get thee out of thy 
country, and from thy kindred, and from thy father's 
house, unto a land that I will show thee : and I will make 
of thee a great nation, and I will bless thee, and make thy 
name great; and thou shalt be a blessing.' Gen. xii. 1, 2. 
This the Spirit tells me, and this hope do I entertain of 
thee, my Philip, my work and my comfort ! Go, then, with 
a cheerful and happy courage !" Thus blessed and conse- 
crated by his old friend, whom he was not to behold again 
in this world, he bid adieu to him and all his friends. He 
also paid a parting visit to the beloved ones in Bretten. 
His teacher, Simler, who was professor of the Greek lan- 
guage in Tubingen, remarked on the day of Melanchthon's 
departure : '' The entire city ought to mourn the departure 
of this Melanchthon, and all those now residing in Tubingen 
have not even advanced far enough in their studies fully 
to appreciate how much they had lost by the removal of 
this great man." In August, Melanchthon is on his way. 
He made some valuable acquaintances. In Augsburg he 
was admitted to an audience with the Elector, and became 
acquainted with his chaplain and secretary, Spalatin, 
"and they remained together until the close of the Diet." 
The celebrated statesman, Pirkheimer, in Nuremberg, a 
patron of Melanchthon, also received a visit from the 
young professor. On the 20th of August he reached 
Leipzig. Here the University honored him with an en- 
tertainlnent. He here declined a call to Ingolstadt, as 
well as one from Leipzig. He remained true to his pro- 
mise. On the 25th of August, 1518, he arrived in his new 
field of labor, Wittenberg, to the joy of all, and his re- 
ception was a festive one. 



HIS DEBUT IN WITTENBERG. 29 



CHAPTER III. 

HIS DEBUT IN WITTENBERG, AND THE LEIPZIG DISPUTATION. 

Four days after his arrival, the 22 years old professor 
delivered the Introductory to his Lectures, The lecture- 
room was entirely filled. His exterior did not promise 
much. A small, insignificant form, with a timid gait, en- 
tered the desk, but the lofty brow, and his large blue eyes, 
indicated the mighty mind which tabernacled in this un- 
seemly and frail vessel. But when he commenced his 
Latin address, which treated of the improvement of stu- 
dies, unfolding the deepest thoughts in the most chaste 
language, and resting so entirely upon the word of God, 
all were filled with joy. 

Luther, who was also present, was full of enthusiasm ; 
for he felt at once how much the University and the good 
cause of the Reformation had gained in the possession of 
a man so learned, and with so deep an insight into truth. 
He therefore, full of joy, wrote to his beloved friend 
Spalatin as early as August 31 : " Philip delivered a very 
learned and chaste address on the fourth day after his 
arrival, and that too with such applause and admiration 
on every side, that you need not trouble yourself further 
in commending him to us. We must look away from his 
exterior appearance ; we rejoice in his gifts, at the same 
time that we are amazed at them ; and we heartily thank 
our gracious prince, as well as your own assistance. It is 
now especially important that you recommend him most 



30 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

earnestly to our prince. I by no means desire a dijQferent 
teaclier of Greek, as long as he remains with us. There 
is but one thing I fear, namely, that his delicate constitu- 
tion will not be able to endure the manner of life in this 
region. I also learn that he has been called with too small 
a salary, so that the Leipzigers already boast and hope 
that they shall soon be able to draw him away from us ; 
for they already courted him before he came to us. I, 
and many others mth me, suspect that Dr. Pfeffinger has, 
according to his usual custom, been endeavoring to save 
the Elector's purse too much in this matter. Therefore, 
my dear Spalatin, to speak freely, that is, with my best 
friend : I pray you, look to it, that you do not despise his 
person and age. This man is deserving of all honor ; for 
I do not wish us and the University to do so uncourteous 
a thing, and give envious persons occasion to speak evil 
of us." Two days after this, he again commends him to 
Spalatin most earnestly : ''I would most heartily commend 
to you Philip, the great Grecian, the thorough scholar, 
and most amiable man. His lecture-room is crowded with 
hearers. It is owing to him, principally, that all theolo- 
gians, the first, middle, and lowest class, are studying 
Greek." And thus Luther also expressed himself towards 
other friends. But the more they learned to know each 
other, so much the more also did their mutual esteem and 
affection increase. When Melanchthon, at a certain time, 
wrote to his paternal friend Reuchlin, and requested Lu- 
ther to add a letter also, he complied with great cheerful- 
ness ; for Reuchlin was not only one of the first champions 
against Papal darkness, but it was also owing to him that 
Melanchthon adorned Wittenberg. Li his letter he called 
Melanchthon a vronderful man, "in whom everything is 
almost supernatural ; and yet he is the friend and confidant 



HIS DEBUT IN WITTENBERG. 31 

of my heart." But Reuclilin could not comprehend the 
rapid progress of the Reformation any more than Erasmus, 
and hitterly had become cooler towards Melanchthon, no 
doubt because he had taken a too zealous and active part 
in the work of the reformation of the church. 

As Luther's whole heart was soon devoted to Melanch- 
thon, so also did the young professor admire the chosen 
instrument of God. He soon discovered that a turning 
point had been reached in the history of the Christian 
church, and that Luther, partly because of his humility, 
and also his powerful apostolical faith, was the man chosen 
by the Head of the Church to bring about this blessed 
revolution. But an opportunity should soon be afforded 
the ingenious youth to step upon the battle-field of the 
Reformation himself, and to fight the good fight at Lu- 
ther's side. The cause of the Gospel, proclaim^ed trumpet- 
tongued in Wittenberg, had awakened a mighty sympathy. 
They soon became convinced in Rome that this was not an 
ordinary dispute among Monks, whether the cowls should 
be peaked or round, and matters like these. Although 
the frivolous Medicean, Pope Leo X., regarded the matter 
very lightly in the beginning, its progress soon taught 
him to take a different view. "Writings, conceived in the 
true Roman spirit, and dipped in blood, were sent forth. 
But all was unavailing. Despotic commands, such as had 
been hurled against Luther in Augsburg by the proud 
Cajetan, were powerless. At first the lion in the Vatican 
roared, then he fawned. All knew the Papal nuncio 
MiLTiz, who could speak sweetly, and if this would not 
suffice, could even shed tears. An agreement was entered 
into between him and Luther, who in the beginning still 
entertained a high esteem for the Pope's supremacy, in 
Altenburg, in the year 1519, in which he promised silence, 



32 LIFE OF MELA N CUT 11 ON. 

provided his opponents would remain silent also. But 
even in tlie midst of these negotiations, a zealous Romanist 
brought about an unexpected outbreak of the fire that 
slumbered beneath the ashes. This was the well-known 
Dr. John Eck, Chancellor of the University of Ingolstadt, 
a man ever inclined to noise and disputes. He had already- 
attacked Professor Andrew Carlstadt, in Wittenberg, in 
the year 1516. At a later period he challenged him to a 
public discussion, although he had his eye fixed upon 
Luther more than him. As the choice of the place and the 
time of the discussion were left to Dr. Eck, he fixed upon 
Leipzig. It was to bt opened on the 27th of June, 1519. 
Eck arrived in Leipzig betimes, where he was delighted 
at being seen and admired. On the 24th of June the Wit- 
tenbergers also arrived. Many other learned men and 
students were present, besides the two champions, Carl- 
stadt and Luther. Philip Melanchthon rode at Luther's 
side in a carriage. A crowd of persons, abbots, counts, 
knights, the learned and unlearned, such as Leipzig had 
not seen for a long time, were gathered together. It does 
not belong to our purpose to describe at length the history 
of the discussion at Leipzig. It occupied three weeks. 
First of all, Eck disputed with Carlstadt about Free-will, 
then with Luther about the Pope's supremacy, purgatory, 
indulgences, penance, absolution, and satisfaction. The 
contest often became very hot. Even if Carlstadt did not 
defend his good cause with the greatest skill, Eck found 
his match in Luther, who placed himself in the citadel of 
the word of God, and went forth unconquered from the 
battle. However, Melanchthon did not merely sit by as 
an idle hearer. It is said that he now and then mingled 
in the contest, and supported his two friends with a few 
observations. Upon this, Eck addressed him in a harsh 



THE LEIPZIG DISPUTATION. 83 

tone : ^' Be silent, Philip; mind your own business, and do 
not disturb me!" 

Melanchthon, who bad inwardly taken a lively interest 
in the discussion, left Leipzig, together with his Witten- 
berg friends, richly blessed and strengthened for his whole 
life.* But he was now to enter into a dispute with Eck 
himself. For he had written a letter to his beloved friend 
Oecolampadius, who regarded the bold stand of Luther 
and his friends with approbation, in which he related the 
events of the disputation, and exposed several weak points 
in Eck's arguments. But, although he did this, he praised 
Eck's ''excellent natural gifts." Of course it can be easily 
seen where Melanchthon's heart was. He thus spoke of 
Luther in this letter : "I must admire the clear head, learn- 
ing, and eloquence, and heartily love the sincere and truly 
Christian heart of Luther, whom I have known intimately 
for a long time." This letter was printed, and was seen 
by Eck, who felt himself so much aggrieved by it, that he 
printed a very rude reply as early as the 25th of July, in 
Leipzig. He treats the teacher of languages — Philippus — 
"who understands Greek and Latin so well," in a most 
contemptuous manner, as if he had assumed the right of 
pronouncing judgment in a matter which he did not under- 
stand, and endeavors to refute Melanchthon's letter by 
sixteen brief remarks. At one time he calls him "the 
bold little man," then again "the Wittenbergian teacher 
of languages, who fared like the shoemaker who wanted to 

* It may be mentioned here, that John Agricola, of Eisleben, -who 
was engagod on the Lutheran side, afterwards became an opponent 
of the E-eformation ; and John Poliander, the amanuensis of Eck, at- 
taclied himself to Luther at the close of the disputation, and after- 
wards preached the Gospel in Prussia. — Seckendorf. Hist. LiitJiei^ 
Book L, page 230. 



34 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

know more than his last," and then again "the literalist," 
and "little language man." Once he addresses him in 
the words : " Thou dustj schoolmaster I" The whole letter 
is conceived in this spirit : but he was mistaken in Me- 
lanchthon. In the month of August he sent forth from 
" the celebrated Saxon city Wittenberg," a defence against 
John Eck, in which he does not use similar language. He 
declares in this " that he has been driven to this, more by 
a holy anxiety and zeal for the Holy Scriptures than by 
any enmity." He declares, in the most decided manner, 
" that it is ungodly to wrest the Scriptures according to 
human will and inclinations." He now refutes Eck's prin- 
cipal objections in the clearest manner, and advises him 
"to suffer the cause to strive rather than abusive lan- 
guage." "We owe this," he says, "to love, which, as 
truly as I hope to have a merciful God, I from my heart 
do not wish to grieve or offend." 

Luther was much displeased with Eck's conduct. He 
expresses this in a letter to Spalatin, dated August 15th : 
" I again come to speak of Philip, whom no Eck can bring 
me to hate, and whose testimony in my favour I always 
esteem higher than anything else. The judgment and 
opinion of this single man is of more value to me than that 
of many thousand worthless Ecks, and I would not be 
ashamed, although I am a Master of Arts, of Philosophy, 
and Theology, and am adorned almost with all the titles 
of Eck, to leave my own opinion, if this Grammarian could 
not agree with it. I have often done this, and do it still, 
because of the divine gift which God has deposited in this 
frail vessel (although it seems contemptible to Eck,) with a 
bountiful blessing. Philip I do not praise, he is a creature 
of God, and nothing." 

But Eck did not consider it advisable to contend fur- 



BUILDING AND FIGHTING. 35 

ther with the champions of Wittenberg, who were also sup- 
ported by other worthy men. He was silent, and as he 
perhaps thought that other weapons were needful in such 
a case, perhaps like those employed against Huss and 
Jerome a hundred years before, he journeyed to Rome, 
and sought shelter beneath the thunders of excommunica- 
tion from the Papal Chair. 



CHAPTER IV. 

BUILDING AND FIGHTING. 

It has happened sometimes in the Church of Christ, that 
the kingdom of God has been built up, whilst the builders 
were obliged to carry the sword against the enemies in one 
hand. This was the case at Wittenberg at that time. By 
Luther's side we find Melanchthon engaged in this double 
labor. We have already heard with what joy his intro- 
ductory lecture was listened to. He continued to gain 
more applause from day to day. Students from all parts 
of Germany, yea of Europe, were found in his lecture-room. 
In the year 1520, Spalatin saw about 600 students, whereas 
the whole number of students had formerly not exceeded 
200. Luther's European reputation, of course, also con- 
tributed much towards the prosperity of the University. 
Heerbrand, in his oration to his memory, relates that 
Melanchthon had as many as 2000 pupils and hearers, 
among whom were princes, counts, barons, and other noble- 



36 LIFE OF MELANCHTIION. 

men. Whilst Reuchlin and Erasmus labored more by 
their writings, Melanchthon attracted both by his lectures 
and his solid writings. To this was added, that, whilst 
Reuchlin and Erasmus from day to day grew cooler to- 
wards the great movement proceeding from Wittenberg, 
Melanchthon attached himself to it in the most decided 
manner, and powerfully aided it by his mind, acquire- 
ments, and great name. He, therefore, did not only lec- 
ture on the Greek poet Homer, and other writers of anti- 
quity, but also treated the writings of the New Testament. 
His industry was extraordinary. In addition to the regu- 
lar labors of his station, he for a time also acted as pro- 
fessor of the Hebrew. Eor this purpose, however, it was 
necessary that he should first of all make himself tho- 
roughly acquainted with this language. Luther wrote to 
Spalatin, January, 1519 : " Our Philip is noAV busy with 
the Hebrew; the faithfulness and industry of the man are 
too great, so that he hardly permits himself to enjoy any 
leisure." He could generally be found busily engaged in 
his study at two o'clock in the morning. The amount of 
labor accomplished by him in a short time is almost in- 
credible. But to his well-trained mind, his quick percep- 
tion, and his unwearied industry, was added the blessing 
of God, which indeed was most needful, and which he 
sought with all his heart. When the Elector heard of his 
extraordinary industry, he feared lest the worthy professor 
might ruin his health, and himself wrote to him that he 
should take care of himself. He says in this letter: "We 
must make provision for the body, and if you look upon the 
other words of Paul as true, regard this in the same way, 
and believe that we ought to obey it." Melanchthon was 
particularly engaged with the epistles of Paul. With un- 
usual clearness he comprehended the deeply evangelical 



BUILDING AND FIGHTING. 37 

truths which this Apostle of Justification by Faith had been 
permitted to see and express so clearly. 

Luther was not ashamed to appear among the hearers 
of the youthful professor, when he explained the Epistles 
to the Komans and Corinthians. Yea, he even considered 
it worth while to communicate these lessons of the lecture- 
room to the great public of Christendom. As Melanch- 
thon's modesty induced him to retain such productions in 
his desk, Luther secretly published his explanations of the 
Epistles to the Romans and Corinthians, and prefixed an 
introduction, addressed to Melanchthon, in which he jo- 
cosely remarks : ^' It is I who publish your writings and 
expositions. I send you to yourself. If you are not 
pleased with yourself, well and good ; let it suffice that we 
are pleased with you. If I have transgressed in this mat- 
ter, it is your own fault. Why did you not publish your- 
self, for which I so often entreated, prayed, and com- 
manded you? Let this be my excuse, that I shall be called, 
and will be, your thief, whether you are angry or whether 
you laugh." Further on he says: '' But to those whom 
you so fear that they will be displeased and dissatisfied 
with it, I will say : ' Dear Sirs, do better yourselves.' I 
proclaim it publicly before the world, that no one has ap- 
proached nearer to, and hit upon Paul's meaning, better 
than yourself." 

Melanchthon now published a series of volumes upon 
books of Scripture. He saw very well that the fountain 
of divine truth and wisdom, which had been obstructed so 
long, must again begin to flow. And he contributed an 
honest share towards the diffusion of Scripture truth. His 
books and minor publications on the books of the Bible 
were greatly applauded, and met with a rapid sale, so that 
repeated editions were called for. And even yet they 
4 



38 LITE OP MELANCHTIION. 

deserve not only to be read, but studied by all who devote 
themselves to the discovery of truth. When Luther, at a 
later period, prefaced and recommended Melanchthon's 
exposition of the Epistle to the Colossians, to which he had 
given great attention, he speaks thus of himself and Melanch- 
thon : ''I have been born to war and fight with factions 
and devils, therefore my books are stormy and warlike. I 
must root out the stumps and stocks, cut away the thorns 
and hedges, fill up the ditches, and am the rough forester, 
to break a path, and make things ready. But master 
Philip walks gently and silently, tills and plants, sows and 
waters with pleasure, as God has gifted him richly." Thus 
did Melanchthon write and teach, and mightily build up 
the kingdom of God. About this time he published a 
work, which is doubtless not only one of the best of his 
productions, but also inclined many hearts towards the 
Reformation. 

It is the work Loci Communes, the principal articles of 
Christian doctrine, as they were afterwards called. We 
have already heard that Melanchthon devoted himself 
especially to the writings of Paul. He gathered together 
>11 the principal truths of this apostle, and presented 
them to his hearers. These were so highly pleased with 
the production, that they had it published. As Melanch- 
thon, however, discovered many imperfections in it, he 
published it himself in 1521, corrected and enlarged. This 
volume, which may be called the first system of religion 
in the evangelical church, was everywhere greeted in the 
most friendly manner. Luther was quite delighted with 
it, and once said of it, that it was not only worthy of im- 
mortality, but even to be admitted into the canon of Scrip- 
ture. In his table-talk he expressed the following opinion 
of it; "Whoever wishes to become a theologian now, 



BUILDING AND FIGHTING. 6\) 

enjoys great advantages ; for first of all, he has the Bible, 
which is so clear, that he can read it without difficulty. 
Then let him read in addition the Loci Communes Philippi ; 
let him read them diligently and well, that he may impress 
them upon his mind. If he has these two things, he is a 
theologian, from whom neither the devil nor heretics shall 
be able to take away anything. To him the whole field 
of theology lies open, so that he is able to read anything 
he pleases after that with edification." 

Melanchthon issued improved editions of the work from 
time to time. Seldom has a book met with so extensive a 
demand. We can form an estimate of its value from this 
fact alone. But it was also totally different from the old 
trash which Melanchthon had become acquainted with in 
Tiibingen. It followed the pure dictates of the Bible, and 
was thoroughly practical. Here the doctrines of sin, of 
the law and the Gospel, of Justification, of Faith and Good 
Works, were developed in a convincing manner, as they had 
been brought to light after a long midnight, by Luther 
himself. With this work he stood entirely upon the Bible, 
and on this account it was so refreshing to friends and 
annoying to enemies. In September, 1519, he was made 
a Bachelor of Divinity on account of his great learning. 
He would never accept a higher degree, and always re- 
mained a Magister (Master.) But Luther said of him: 
"It is true he is but a poor Master, but also a Doctor 
above all Doctors." 

Whilst this worthy man was laying the foundation for 
the building of the renewed church, he also bore in his 
other hand the sword of the Spirit to drive away the foe. 
We have already heard how he smote Dr. Eck with it. 
As early as the year 1520, a publication filled with poison 
and gall appeared against Luther in Rome. It bore the 



40 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

following title : '' To the Princes and People of Germany 
against Martin Luther, the Defamer of German Glory." 
The author had chosen the fictitious name Thomas Rho- 
DiNUS. The Leipzigers, especially the wicked Jerome 
Emser, rejoiced in this libel, and soon reprinted it, in 
order to injure the cause of the Reformation. But now 
Melanchthon entered the lists in February of the year 
1521. He wrote a defence of the greatly slandered Lu- 
ther, under the fictitious name of Didymus Faventinus. 
He remarks in this : " Judge for yourselves, whether those 
are seeking the welfare and glory of the Fatherland in- 
deed, who accuse that man, who has delivered our Father- 
land from Romish frauds ; who has ventured all alone to 
root out the errors which existed for centuries ; who has 
again brought to light Christian doctrines which were 
almost buried by the wicked laws of the Popes, and the 
foolish subtleties of the schools. For this praise is given 
him by all the learned, and not only by me." In this 
decided tone spoke Melanchthon, and declared that every- 
thing which opposed the Gospel must fall, no matter how 
ancient it may be. After explaining the manner in which 
the Pope had gained supremacy in Germany, he called 
upon the princes to defend the Church against the power 
of Antichrist. The battle grew more exciting, and Me- 
lanchthon took a bolder position, although he was a man 
who might truly, with reference to his inward disposition, 
be called a child of peace. Towards the close of the year 
1520, principally by Luther's advice, he had married a 
daughter of Mayor 'Crapp, of Wittenberg. But of this 
we shall speak further hereafter. 



MELANCHTHON WITHOUT LUTHER. 41 



CHAPTER V. 

MELANCHTHON WITHOUT LUTHER. 

As early as the summer of 1520, the Pope, upon Eck's 
instigation, issued a severe bull against Luther, in which 
forty-one propositions from his various writings were con- 
demned, and he himself was threatened with excommuni- 
cation if he should not recant. But the hero was of good 
courage, for he was suffering for the best cause. Eck 
triumphed, but the Wittenberger was not to be intimidated, 
and wrote the well-known severe work "Against the Bull 
of Antichrist," and even took the bold step, on the 10th 
of December, 1520, to cast this bull, together with the 
canon law and other papal writings, into the fire, before 
the Elster gate, in the presence of many students and 
doctors. Thus did he powerfully separate himself from 
the Roman Church and the Pope. All who preferred the 
better way were thus driven to decision. Melanchthon was 
not wanting among these better ones, as he proved by his 
vindication of Luther. 

In the meantime, Charles Y. had become Emperor of 
Germany. The papal nuncios urged him to execute the 
bull. But this youthful monarch proceeded leisurely. He 
summoned a Diet to Worms, where, among other matters, 
the difficulties of the Church might also be decided. Al- 
though the Papal legates endeavored to prevent Luther's 
summons to the Diet, they could not succeed. When 

parting from Melanchthon, he said : '' If I should return 
4 * 



42 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

no more, and my enemies should murder me at Worms, as 
may very easily be the case, I conjure you, dear brother, 
not to neglect teaching and abiding by the truth. In the 
meantime, labor also for me, because I am not able to be 
here. You can do better than I can. Therefore it will 
not be a great loss, provided you remain. The Lord still 
finds a learned champion in you." It is well known to all 
with what joyful faith Luther received the summons, and 
with what bold words he expressed himself in regard to it. 
Luther's journey to Worms, and his demeanor before the 
Emperor and the States of the Empire, are among the 
most glorious events of his own history, and of the Refor- 
mation in general. 

Faith, like that exhibited by him at this time, is not 
often found in Israel. ^' Here I stand, I cannot do other- 
wise ; God help me ! Amen !" These were Luther's words ; 
he remained faithful, and God helped him. He was re- 
moved until March, 1522, for it is known that the care of 
the Elector had sheltered him from the malice of his ene- 
mies in the silent Wartburg. 

During this time, Wittenberg truly seemed to be father- 
less, for Melanchthon was no Luther. And yet the burden 
of the Reformation rested upon the shoulders of this young 
man. But, notwithstanding the papal bulls, and in spite 
of the Edict of Worms, which appeared May 26, 1521, and 
spoke in the papal spirit, he was not afraid to stand in the 
gap. He published the acts of the Diet of Worms, and 
sided with the proscribed Luther. Everywhere his assist- 
ance was required, so also to give his advice in supplying 
the professorial chairs in the University. During this 
time, AuROGALLUS, teacher of the Hebrew, and Justus 
Jonas, in the capacity of provost and professor of Theology, 
arrived in Wittenberg. During the same year, Melanch- 



MELANCHTIION WITHOUT LUTHEH. 43 

thou published a severe work against the Theologians of 
Paris. These had severely condemned Luther and his 
writings. Against these he wrote his defence of Dr. M. 
Luther, " against the raging judgment of the Paris Di- 
vines." It is one of his most cutting productions. He 
begins thus : " Behold, Christian reader, what monstrous 
beasts of Theologians this part of the earth, Europe, gives 
birth to !" He expresses himself unwilling to believe that 
this production has emanated from Paris, because so furious 
a spirit breathes in it. The common people believe that 
Christian doctrine dwells in the high school as in its own 
palace. But he will disregard the distinguished person- 
ages, and the high rank of the University, and says : "In 
our common Christianity, Christ's voice alone shall rule. 
Whoever does not hear this, does not belong to Christ." 
The Universities of Cologne and Lowen had also con- 
demned Luther's writings, but they had not acted as crazily 
as the Parisians. He, therefore, found himself obliged to 
believe that the saying of those in the olden time was not 
altogether without foundation : " That the French have no 
brains." They called Luther a heretic because he did not 
agree with the Universities, the holy fathers, and the 
councils. But here Melanchthon plants himself upon the 
basis of the Bible, and declares this alone can be infallible, 
and adds : " What new articles of Faith do magistri nostri 
of Paris wish to add to this ? Perhaps their own gross 
ones !" In this biting manner he proceeds, and in a clear, 
lively manner, thoroughly refutes the assertions of the 
Parisians. He proves the Scriptures to be the only foun- 
tain of knowledge in the most triumphant manner, and 
then proceeds to show that Luther is standing upon the 
Bible, and yet does not contradict the Fathers. Luther's 
defender proves that he is on Augustine's side in the doc- 



44 LIFE OF MELANCnTHON. 

trines of Free-will and of Grace, and then goes on to show 
tliat the Parisians themselves are opposed to the Fathers. 
He concludes thus: "I wished to guard you in these 
things, Christian reader, in order that you may not be 
prejudiced against Luther by the reputation of the Sor- 
bonne,* the wisdom of which you have been able to see in 
one or two points. From those which I have exposed to 
you, you may easily guess the rest — for the Sorbonne is 
the Sorbonne. It will be easier for you to find Christ 
among the carpenters than among these people." 

So bravely did Melanchthon speak, and yet the position 
he occupied alone, during Luther's absence, depressed him 
so much that he felt the need of consolation. When 
Luther had reached the Wartburg, Melanchthon discovered 
it, and full of joy wrote to Wenzeslaus Link : " Our 
dearest father is alive !" He wishes to fold him in his 
arms very soon, and says : '^ Everything is going on well 
in the University, except that we are deprived of our father 
Doctor Martinus." 

At another time he wrote : ''Our Elijah is not yet with 
us, but we w^ait and hope for him. What more shall I say ? 
My longing for him tortures me grievously !" Luther re- 
primanded him about this, and wrote thus : " Even though 
I should be lost, the Gospel will lose nothing by that ; for 
in that you now excel me, and follow Elijah as an Elisha 
with a double portion of the spirit, which may the Lord 
Jesus bestow upon you in his mercy ! Amen." Already 



* This term applied to the faculty of Theology at Paris. The 
Colleo-e of the University in which they assembled was called the 
house of the Sorbonne, which was first erected and endowed in the 
year 1250, by a wealthy favorite of St. Louis, whose name was Robert 
de Sorbonne. This Theological faculty enjoyed the highest repute at 
that time. 



MELANCHTHON WITHOUT LUTHER. 45 

on the 12tli of May, 1521, a letter of comfort arrived from 
Patmos, as Luther called the Wartburg. He says in it : 
^'And what are you doing, my Philip? Do you pray for 
me, that this my involuntary concealment may redound to 
the greater glory of God ?" In conclusion, he says : 
" Here I sit, and all day long place before me the picture 
of the Church, and lament my insensibility that I am not 
drenched in tears, and with my eyes, as with fountains of 
tears, weep for the slain of my people. But there is no 
one who will arise and cleave to the Lord, or oppose him- 
self as a wall for the house of Israel, in these latter days 
of his wrath. Yes, Kingdom of the Pope, thou art worthy 
of this latter time ! God be merciful unto us ! Do you 
then, as a servant of the word, stand in the midst, and 
guard the walls and gates of Jerusalem, until they come 
upon you also. You understand your calling and your 
gifts. I pray for you before all other things, if, (as I do 
not doubt,) my prayer availeth anything. Do you like- 
wise. Let us bear our burden together. We stand alone 
in the battle. After me, they will fall upon thee." 

Melanchthon needed such encouragement in his present 
position ; for as it has often been, so was it now in Witten- 
berg, that enemies are less dangerous than friends. With 
all his storming, Luther yet proceeded calmly. It was his 
primary object to lay on every side the deep foundation of 
Justification by Grace through Faith ; and he thought less 
of the finishing of the building. He permitted all those 
things to remain which did not flatly contradict the word 
of God. But his friends in Wittenberg did not think so 
soberly and prudently. They wished to overturn the 
structure of the Roman Church by rapid assault, and to 
erect something entirely new. Every particle of the 



46 LIFEOFMELANCHTHON. 

Romisli leaven was to be exterminated from the public 
•\Yorsbip of God. 

First of all, Liitber's fellow-conventuals, the Augusti- 
nian monks of Wittenberg, led by the preacher Gabriel 
ZwiLLiNG, appeared with a resolution to omit the daily 
private mass, and to distribute the Sacrament in both 
kinds. When the Elector heard of this, he inquired at 
once into the particulars of the matter, and appointed a 
commission, to which Melanchthon belonged, to investi- 
gate the whole matter. The report of this commission was 
decidedly in favor of those who encouraged these innova- 
tions. After exhibiting the antiscriptural character of the 
mass, and the denial of the cup to the laity, and saying : 
"It is certain that the abuse of the mass is one of the 
greatest and most abominable abuses in the world," they 
pray the Elector to take hold of the matter earnestly, and 
speedily to abolish the abuse of the masses in his own 
dominions, and not to care if he should be abused as a 
Bohemian or heretic. It is impossible to avoid reviling. 
They appeal to the Elector's conscience, and reminded 
him of the great day of reckoning. But it also gave 
liberty to conscience, if any one wished to celebrate mass 
alone. But the Elector was not satisfied with this opinion. 
As he generally preferred to act prudently, he considered 
the step of the Augustinians too hasty. He thought that 
the opinion of so few persons could not be decisive, and 
he also clearly foresaw the consequences, should the over- 
throw of private masses put an end to the legacies for this 
purpose. He communicated these views to the Commission 
in writing, through Dr. Bayer. They returned an excel- 
lent reply, full of a joyful faith, which we regret not to be 
able to print entire. The reply said : " Although we are 
the smallest party, the truth of the divine word, which is 



MELANCHTIION WITHOUT LUTHER. 47 

above all angels and creatures, because it is clearly revealed 
in the Gospel and in the apostle Paul, shall not therefore 
be despised. For the smallest party ever received and 
preached the truth, and so it will remain to the end of the 
world." It concludes thus: "Let no one be offended be- 
cause this matter will cause great offence. For Christ, as 
it is written, came into the world, and was given to those, 
who believe in him and his word, that they might improve 
themselves in him, to obtain eternal life. But to those 
who do not receive him and his word, he has been given 
and set for a stumbling-block, that they may die for ever." 
Luther also, in his work " Of the Abuse of the Mass," 
expressed himself in favor of the omission of private 
masses. The Elector now permitted the matter to take 
its own course. The movement, which had commenced in 
the Augustinian cloister in Wittenberg, communicated 
itself likewise to those in Meissen and Thuringia. In the 
month of December of this year a provincial assembly of 
Augustinians from different quarters was convened. Their 
resolutions contemplated the abolition of secret masses, 
cloistral confinement, and other antiscriptural customs. 
At this time appeared Luther's publication " Concerning 
Priestly and Monastic Vows," which gave the movement 
scriptural progress. When a minister, Bernhardi, called 
Peldkirch, relinquished his celibacy, and defended this 
step, Melanchthon was not afraid to step forward to de- 
fend the severely assaulted man, and to renounce a doc- 
trine which the Bible terms a doctrine of devils, and is 
yet held fast by the Papal Chair with the utmost tenacity. 
But other events occurred in Wittenberg, which might 
have done the greatest injury to the good cause of the 
Reformation, had not the Lord of the Church watched 
over it. A fanatical spirit had arisen in the city of 



48 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

Zwickau. Among other things lie rejected Infant Bap- 
tism, and boasted of the possession of supernatural revela- 
tions. At Christmas, three of these fanatics came to Wit- 
tenberg. These were two cloth-weavers named Nicholas 
Storch and Thomas Marx, the third being Marcus 
Stubner, who claimed to belong to the learned. In Wit- 
tenberg, the private teacher, Martin Cellarius, joined 
them. They also met with Melanchthon, who had even 
received the chief spokesman, Stiibner, into his house. He 
did not possess that deep insight into human nature which 
distinguished Luther. He, therefore, did not at once de- 
clare himself opposed to this perverted movement. Decem- 
ber 27, 1521, he gave notice of this to the Elector, and 
says: "I have conversed with them myself, and they de- 
clare most wonderful things concerning themselves, viz., 
that God with a loud voice sent them forth to teach, that 
they enjoy most intimate conversations with God, behold 
future events, and that they are, in short, prophetic and 
apostolical men. I cannot describe how all this moves me. 
That spirits possess them, seems to be established by many 
reasons, concerning which no one can easily form an 
opinion but Martinus, (Luther.) If the Gospel and the 
honor and peace of the Church are in any danger, it is 
absolutely necessary that these people should have an 
interview with Martinus, especially as they appeal to him. 
I would not write anything to your Electoral Grace about 
this matter, did not the importance of the matter require 
that steps should be taken in time. Eor it is needful for 
us to be on our guard, lest the devil entrap us." Spalatin 
relates that the Elector expressed himself about this matter 
very humbly in these words : " This is a very important 
matter, which I, as a layman, do not understand. Now, 
God has bestowed considerable possessions upon me and 



MELANCIITHON WITHOUT LUTHER. 49 

my brother. If I understood tliese matters, I would rather 
take a staff in my hands and fly, than act knowingly against 
God." However, the Elector summoned Melanchthon 
and Amsdorf to Prettin. 

There Haubold von Einsiedel and Spalatin questioned 
them further concerning these matters. They expressed 
themselves to the same effect as Melanchthon had done in 
his report. Again Luther's judgment was solicited. In a 
letter of Luther's, called forth by Melanchthon, he judged 
very correctly of the spirits of Zwickau. He requires 
letter and seal for their public ministry. As to their 
spirit, it would only be necessary to inquire, whether they 
had experienced spiritual conflicts and divine birth, death 
and hell. He proceeds to express himself in a very decided 
manner in reference to Infant Baptism, and concludes 
thus : '' I have all along expected that the devil would cre- 
ate this ulcer, but it was not to be done by the Papists. 
He desires to bring about this great schism among us and 
ours, but Christ will soon trample him beneath our feet." 
But these fanatics had already gained adherents. Among 
them was the well-known Dr. Karlstadt,* a man of a 
legal, unsettled mind, who, with all his boasting of liberty, 
knew nothing of true evangelical liberty. He commenced 
a sad work in Wittenberg. Many students joined him. 
They abolished private masses, burned the images, de- 
stroyed the altars, abolished auricular confession, dropped 
the hymns and ceremonies of the Church, went to commu- 
nion without previous confession, and did many other things 

"^ Karlstadt was heard to say, that " he wished to be as great a 

»man and as much thought of as Luther;" for which he was properly 

reproved by Melanchthon, who reminded him, " that such language 

could only proceed from a spirit of emulation, envy, and pride." — ■ 

Seckendorf. 

5 



50 LIFE or MELANCHTHON. 

of a similar character. Without applying to the consti- 
tuted authorities, without caring for those who were of- 
fended at their course, they carried everything before 
them by storm, appealing to their liberty, the first com- 
mandment, and the Holy Ghost, which they possessed. 
Whoever did not side with them was denounced as an 
heretic. 

This was too much for the youthful professor, the burden 
was too great, and he longed for the faith and strength of 
that man, who, under these circumstances could not en- 
dure to remain longer in his Patmos. Luther addressed a 
capital letter to the Wittenbergians, in which he most 
clearly points out to them the true point of view from 
which Karlstadt's innovation was to be examined. But 
Melanchthon ardently desired Luther's return to Witten- 
berg. His return was absolutely necessary too, yet the 
Elector would not hear of it. At last, on the 7th of March, 
1522, Luther escaped from the Wartburg. Two letters, 
addressed to the Elector, and which really display an 
apostolical strength of faith, paved and prepared the way. 
He was received with acclamations in Wittenberg, and 
when he now began, from the first Sunday in Lent until 
the Sunday Reminiscere, to preach eight sermons against 
these innovations, in a convincing, winning manner, all 
rejoiced, and the turbulent waves again grew calm. 

Gabriel was convinced, but Karlstadt remained hard- 
ened. But the fanatics again gathered together secretly, 
and endeavored to spread themselves. The desire was 
expressed that Luth-er might have an interview with them. 
Although reluctantly, he at last resolved to hear Marcus, 
one of their leaders. Melanchthon was present at the in- 
terview. Marcus was accompanied by the impetuous Cel- 
larius, and several others. When Luther pointed out to 



LABORS, RECEEATION, AND TROUBLE. 51 

them, that their pretensions were not founded upon the 
Holy Scriptures, but were really the inventions of over- 
curious minds, or perhaps even foolish and hurtful inspi- 
rations of a deceitful spirit, Cellarius behaved like a mad- 
man. They departed with curses, but Luther calmly said : 
" That God, whom I worship and serve, will know right 
well how to restrain your gods, so that none of these things 
will come to pass." 

We may well conceive how relieved Melanchthon must 
have felt, when the proper man of the Reformation again 
stood in the breach. 



CHAPTER VI. 

LABORS, RECREATION, AND TROUBLE. 

The Grospel gained greater and greater victories. The 
preaching of the truth found open doors in Denmark and 
Sweden, in Transylvania and Hungary, in Silesia and 
France. As the spirit of primitive Christianity in Ger- 
many went forth from Wittenberg through the various 
provinces, so also did Zwingli, and Melanchthon's friend 
and fellow-student, Oecolampadius, labor in Switzerland 
with blessed results. A new time was coming, and its 
spring had already dawned. Perhaps no other means 
contributed so much to the promotion of the Reformation 
as the translation of the Bible, which we owe to Luther's 
master hand. In the Wartburg he completed the transla- 



52 LITE OF MELANCHTIIOX. 

tion of the New Testament, with a spirit which to this day 
has not been excelled. But he was not ashamed to make 
use of the assistance and advice of his friends in this 
work.* Among these friends, Melanchthon was the prin- 
cipal one, who, indeed, excelled Luther in learning. Me- 
lanchthon took very great pains to discover the true 
meaning of the passages, for which his assistance had been 
solicited. If any expression remained dark, he could 
apply for an explanation to the physician, Sturtz, in 
Erfurt, to Spalatin, and other friends. We have before 
heard that he applied himself to the Hebrew language. 
The knowledge of this language was very serviceable to 
him in the translation of the Old Testament. The Book 
of Job particularly called forth the efforts of the Witten- 
bergians. Luther somewhere speaks of it in a letter: 
''M. Philip, Aurogallus, and I, are laboring so carefully 
in Job that sometimes we could scarcely complete three 
lines in four days. But Melanchthon labored wdth espe- 
cial energy in his own field of labor. He saw the import- 
ance of a classical education, and labored very zealously 
for its extension. But, although he mightily promoted the 
ancient languages, his heart w^as yet in the Holy Scrip- 
tures. This is proved by his explanations of several 
books of the Old and New Testaments, which appeared in 
1523. 

^ Luther's principal assistants in this work were Philip Melanch- 
thon, Caspar Cruciger, Justus Jonas, John Bugenhagen, or Pome- 
ranus, and Matthew Aurogallus ; — the corrector of the press was 
GeDrge Rorarius. — Seclcendorf. 

"We are also told in Adams, that Bugenhagen constantly kept the 
anniversary of the day on which this work was finished, with a select 
party of friends at his own house. This social meeting was called 
" The festival of the translation of the Scriptures." 



LABORS, RECREATION, AND TROUBLE. 53 

But his numerous uninterrupted labors were beginning 
to undermine his health. He was particularly troubled 
with sleeplessness about this time. Recreation was indis- 
pensable for him, and his friends also earnestly advised 
him to it. When Luther went to Worms, he was not per- 
mitted to refresh himself by a visit to his home. He now 
wished to pay this visit. One of his friends and colleagues, 
Nesen, intended to make a trip to Frankfort. It seemed 
best to join him, and from thence to visit his beloved na- 
tive city, Bretten, and to see the dear relatives residing 
there. Luther, to whom he communicated his intentions, 
approved of them, relieved him of all scruples and doubts, 
and dismissed him with these pleasant words : '' Go, dear 
brother Philip, in the name of God. Even our Lord Jesus 
did not always preach and teach, but also journeyed, and 
visited his relatives and friends. All I ask of you is, that 
you return to us soon ! I will include you in my prayers 
day and night. And now depart !" 

On the 16th of April, 1524, he departed, with a very 
pleasant caravan of friends. Nesen, who taught History, 
Geography and the Languages, in Wittenberg; Philip's 
fellow-boarder, Francis Burkhard, of Weimar, who 
afterwards became Chancellor in Saxony; John Silber- 
BORNER, of Worms ; and his dearest friend in all the world, 
with whom he became acquainted during the Leipzig dis- 
putation, Joachim Camerarius, were his fellow-travellers. 
They rode upon horses, which were none of .the best ; but 
most likely these gentlemen were not among the best of 
riders. Their, way led them through Leipzig. There a 
most worthy man, Peter Schade, called Mosellanus, 
who had expressed himself much in favor of the Reforma- 
tion, was breathing his last. They visited him, and bade 
him farewell in this world. Thence they went to the city 
5* 



54 LIFEOFMELANCHTHON. 

of Fulda. Crotus Rubianus and Adam Kraft rejoiced 
in the arrival of the beloved Saxons, and entertained them 
most hospitably. Here the travellers heard of the death 
of the Knight Ulrich von Hutten, who died upon an 
island in the Lake of Zurich. It is well known with what 
ardor this champion joined the Reformation. Neither 
Luther nor Melanchthon, however, could approve of every- 
thing in the conduct of the clever freebooter ; for he was 
not inspired with the pure, evangelical spirit. 

Nesen remained in Frankfort ; but Melanchthon and his 
remaining companions, after a short stay, hastened to the 
end of their journey. It is said that when he first beheld his 
beloved native city in the distance, overcome with joy, he 
dismounted, and falling upon his knees, exclaimed : " Oh ! 
my native soil ! I thank thee, Lord, that I have been 
permitted to see it again !" And now they went to 
Bretten, to his mother's house. How she rejoiced to be- 
hold her son again ! She had in the meantime ceased to 
be a widow, and had married a widower named Christo- 
pher Kolbe. It seems she had remained a good Catholic ; 
and perhaps had no other fault to find with her Philip, but 
that he had taken too decided and zealous a part in the 
Reformation. Now there was opportunity to speak of 
these things ; and the son did not neglect to instruct his 
mother as to the object and extent of the Reformation. 
But she seems to have remained steadfast in her old per- 
suasion. 

The mother knew very well that her son had gained a 
great name. She could see this with her own eyes during 
his stay in Bretten. Campegius, at that time the Papal 
legate in Germany, was then in Heidelberg on account of 
a great hunt. We can well conceive how anxious he must 
liave felt to detach Melanchthon from Luther ; and he must 



LABORS, RECREATION, AND TROUBLE. 55 

have tliouglit it worth while to make an attempt to bring 
about this desirable result. He had a very shrewd secre- 
tary, named Nausea, who Avas sent upon this difficult and 
important errand. When he arrived in Bretten, he imme- 
diately repaired to Melanchthon, in order to introduce the 
matter. He seconded his appeal with the best induce- 
ments, but he did not find a reed that could be swayed to 
and fro by the wind. The Wittenberg Professor declared, 
in a firm and decided manner : " If I discover anything 
to be true, I hold it fast, and maintain it without any 
regard to the consequence of any mortal, without any 
regard to advantages, honor, or gain. I shall never for- 
sake those who were the first to bring better things to' 
light. But in the same manner I shall also continue to 
prove true to myself, that I shall teach and defend the 
truth without quarrelling or abuse. I therefore advise 
every one who earnestly desires peace and unity, to do all 
he can to heal those wounds which can no longer be con- 
cealed, and to restrain the mad rage of those who are 
constantly tearing them open again !" He added a small 
essay on the principal points of the Lutheran doctrine, in 
which he particularly gave prominence to the difference 
between divine and human righteousness, and that they 
were only striving against work-holiness. 

Nausea returned to Heidelberg, without having efiected 
his object ; but Melanchthon received another visit, from 
three professors of the University. These did not come 
to alienate him from that cause, which was the cause of 
God. On the contrary, they presented him with a richly 
ornamented goblet, as an acknowledgment of his merito- 
rious services, for which he returned his cordial thanks in 
a letter. 

Whilst Melanchthon was spendinn; most a2;reeable davs 



5Q LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

in Bretten, liis travelling-companions sojourned in Basle. 
Erasmus of Rotterdam resided in this city, and by his 
great reputation also attracted these Wittenbergians. This 
will be the proper place to say something of the relations 
existing between this renowned scholar and Melanchthon. 
It was Erasmus who, at a very early period, recognized 
and admired Melanchthon's talents and great acquirements. 
Melanchthon had taken this great man, who exerted such 
an influence upon the restoration of the sciences, for his 
model. But Erasmus was a man who preferred standing 
on neutral ground, and considered the Reformation com- 
menced by Luther, and supported by Melanchthon's learn- 
ing, as by far too extravagant. He was very fond of the 
honor of this world, which prevents so many learned men 
from arriving at a knowledge of the truth. Although he, 
therefore, at first expressed his approbation of the work in 
Wittenberg, he gradually became more and more opposed 
to it. He manifested his hostility particularly in his work 
^'G^ Free Will." He shows in this, like all persons 
who do not consult the word of God, and a deep inward 
experience, that the great corruption of this world of sin, 
and the indescribable riches of divine grace, were both 
mysteries to him. He also expressed his views more fully 
in a letter to his friend at Wittenberg, on the 6th of Sep- 
tember, 1524 ; and did not forget to state that he could 
not agree on all points with Melanchthon's book, Loci Com- 
munes, in which he had, however, found much that was 
excellent. Nothing else could have been expected, for 
Melanchthon had most decidedly expressed the doctrine of 
the renewed Church. He could, therefore, neither be 
satisfied with Erasmus' publication against Luther, nor 
with his letter to himself. 

It is well known to every one acquainted with these dis- 



LABOES, RECREATION, AND TROUBLE. 57 

piites, that Erasmus had found a powerful opponent in 
Luther, bj means of his work " Of the Bond Will," which 
is one of the ablest and most powerful productions of the 
Reformer. The gulf between these two men became 
wider and wider. All mediation was impossible. 

In a letter to Erasmus, in answer to the one already re- 
ferred to, Melanchthon expressed his decided adherence to 
Luther's doctrine, and declared that if the Bible should 
teach differently, he would gladly adopt it. He took Lu- 
ther's side, and defended him against Erasmus' attacks 
upon his character. But Erasmus adhered to his own 
opinions, and especially censured Luther's violence. He 
was particularly displeased w^ith this violence in Luther's 
polemic treatise against himself. This relation to the 
great man in Rotterdam caused Melanchthon much 
trouble. It was one of the many sorrows which afflicted 
him. 

But we have thus already returned to Wittenberg, and 
we must first see what happened to Melanchthon on his 
return. It was difficult to part from Bretten, for his 
mother did not wish him to depart so soon. It seemed to 
her, as we often feel when bidding farewell, that she was 
then beholding him for the last time. But at last, with 
his companions who had returned from Basle, he tore him- 
self away from his home. Not far from Frankfort he met 
with a singular adventure. The young Landgrave Philip 
of Hesse, who had early exhibited a warm interest in the^ 
progress of the Reformation, was travelling with his re- 
tainers to Heidelberg. He had, no doubt, heard that Me- 
lanchthon was on the road. He sees a company of travel- 
lers approaching, and he feels that Melanchthon must be 
among them. He rode towards them, and asked for him. 
When Melanchthon discovered himself, and was about to 



58 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

dismount in token of respect, tlie Landgrave prevented 
liim, and requested him to change his route, and to remain 
with him over night, because he would like to have many- 
matters explained to him. He bade him entertain no fear, 
but be of good courage. Melanchthon assured the Land- 
grave that he was not afraid, and that he was a very un- 
important person besides. The prince replied : " But, 
nevertheless. Cardinal Campegius would be not a little 
rejoiced if you were to be delivered into his hands." On 
the condition that, after his return to Wittenberg, he would 
prepare a written statement concerning these innovations 
in religion and send it to the Landgrave, he permitted him 
to continue his journey, and gave him the promise of a 
safe conduct throuo;h the Hessian dominion. This writing; 
was really prepared, and bore the title : "An Epitome of 
the renewed Christian doctrine, addressed to his most 
serene highness the Landgrave of Hesse." The journey 
was safely completed, but he soon experienced great sorrow 
in Wittenberg. His beloved travelling companion, Nesen, 
wished to cross the Elbe in a fisherman's boat, as he had 
often done before ; but upon the present occasion, it was 
July 5th, the boat struck against the trunk of a tree, was 
capsized, and Nesen was drowned. Besides this, his be- 
loved Camerarius, who w^as daily more endeared to him, 
removed from Wittenberg. He felt very lonely and for- 
saken, and in this frame of mind wrote to Camerarius : "I 
sit at home like a lame cobbler." 



THE WAR OF THE PEASANTS. 59 



CHAPTER YII. 

THE WAR OF THE PEASANTS 

The hopes 'raised by the proposed plans for reform, by 
the new Pope Hadrian VI., were not realized. How often 
have men been deceived in their hopes, when they looked 
towards the city on the seven hills ! The Diet in Nurem- 
berg opened in a threatening manner, for the Pope and 
the Emperor insisted on severe measures, and the exe- 
cution of the Edict of Worms. But it came to pass here, 
as the Elector Frederick the Wise is said to have re- 
marked before the Diet : "In heaven it has been resolved 
far otherwise than in Nuremberg !" Already in the year 
1523, death summoned Hadrian from the scene. True 
to the proverb, ''The Pope does not die," another one, 
Clemens VII., of the same spirit as all the rest, ascended 
the throne. He insisted upon the execution of the Edict 
of Worms, and caused this opinion to be proclaimed during 
the Diet at Nuremberg, which had been opened again. 
The Emperor made the same demand by his ambassador. 
But all these violent measures were defeated by the action 
of the princes, who said " that they would do what they 
could." The more the Gospel began to penetrate to every 
quarter, to find good soil and to strike deep root, so much 
more the hostility of the Catholics increased. Persecutions 
arose, and martyrs began to bleed for the Lord's cause. 
Melanchthon took an especially deep interest in the terrible 



60 LIFE OF MELANCIITHON. 

martyrdom of Henry von ZUtphen, who was burned at the 
stake towards the end of the year 1524.* 

The war of the Peasants, which commenced in Swahia 
as early as 1524, but took a new and dangerous turn in 
the beginning of 1525, still more increased the hate of the 
enemies of the pure Gospel, and gave them a plausible 
excuse forcibly to exterminate these ecclesiastical novelties 
and the innovators themselves. As when fire has been 
placed in the different quarters of a city, and it breaks out 
on every side, so that the inhabitants do not know where 
to begin to extinguish it, so was it in the peasants' war. 
Almost everywhere the peasants arose and threatened 
death and destruction to the authorities and existing laws. 
Nothing is more easy than, with preconceived opinions, 
either to proclaim this war a noble struggle for freedom, 
or, on the other hand, to trample under foot the just sighs 
of the deeply injured peasants. It is well known that no 
event in the days of the Reformation was more welcome to 
its enemies than this desperate and bloody rebellion of the 
peasants. They at once proclaimed this war to be a legiti- 
mate fruit of the new doctrine. It cannot be denied that 
this opinion has some appearance of truth, but then only 
if we look at the mere surface of things, and carry an evil- 
disposed heart within us. The peasants themselves have 
partly given occasion for this opinion, because in the well- 
known "twelve articles of the peasants," they mingled 
spiritual and temporal demands together. It is, however, 
not our purpose to -give a history of the peasants' war, 

* Henry von Ziitphen preached the gospel in Ditmars, a county 
of Holstein. He was seized by the enraged priests, and after having 
been beaten and stabbed, and covered with more than twenty wounds, 
was cast into the fire. He suffered martyrdom with most heroic 
calmness. Luther published the history of this martyr. — Seckendorf, 



THE WAR OF THE PEASANTS. 61 

which still awaits a true representation, even if it were 
carried out in the shortest outlines. We are here but to 
consider how the Reformers, particularly Melanchthon, de- 
meaned themselves in this critical event. 

In Melanchthon's home, the palatinate, this extravagant 
spirit had also seized the peasants. There too thej rose 
up on every side, however little reason for it they might 
have had, under the reign of the Elector Louis of the 
palatinate. This prince wrote to Melanchthon, whom he 
esteemed very highly, requesting him to come to Heidel- 
berg to assist him by his counsels in this dangerous affair. 
He says of Melanchthon : " You who were born and raised 
in the palatinate are more learned and experienced in the 
Scriptures than others, celebrated, and doubtless favor- 
able to peace and justice." If it was impossible for him 
to come, he should send his advice and opinion, " accord- 
ing to divine and truly evangelical Scripture" to him in 
writing. On this account Melanchthon wrote his " Pam- 
phlet against the articles of the peasantry." As Luther's 
writings in regard to the war of the peasants have fre- 
quently given offence, because he stood firmly by the word 
of God, which demands obedience towards the authorities, 
so did it also fare with Melanchthon. He too, like Luther, 
must submit to be called a Court-theologian. But their 
theology was drawn from the word of God, and redounded 
to the glory of God, let the enemies to the right and left 
say to the contrary — whatever they please. The peasants 
declared they would submit themselves to the word of God. 
This Melanchthon seized upon. He wishes to present to 
them " the Gospel, and the true Christian doctrine ; for 
no doubt there are many among the masses who sin from 
ignorance ; who, it is to be hoped, if they are properly 
instructed, will forsake such wicked practices, and consider 
6 



62 LIFEOFMELANCHTHON. 

tlie Judgment of God, their own souls, and their poor 
wives and children. But many are so wanton, and blinded 
by the devil, that they do not desire, and cannot abide 
peace." After having spoken of Faith and Love, he pro- 
ceeds to obedience to government, and says : '' Whereas 
this article is even despised by those who call themselves 
evangelical, we will hold before them the Gospel and the 
Word of God, in which they may see how desperately they 
are fighting against God under the pretext of the Gospel." 

The beginning of the 13th chapter of the Epistle to the 
Romans will ever be Ihe principal direction in this matter. 
Melanchthon, too, refers to it, and fully and convincingly 
explains this passage to every one whose passions have not 
blinded and disordered his senses. He proceeds to say : 
^' From all this we therefore conclude, that, because the 
Gospel demands obedience to government, and forbids re- 
bellion, although princes may do evil ; and also further 
requires that we endure wrong, they act against the Gos- 
pel, inasmuch as they arise against the government, and 
use force and violence against them. And they prove 
themselves liars in this, that they write they desire to live 
in accordance vfith the Gospel, and yet thus openly act 
against God, so that it is easy to observe that the devil is 
instigating them, desiring to destroy their bodies and souls. 
For the end may be whatever it will, such wickedness will 
be punished at last." 

Melanchthon now proceeds to consider each of the twelve 
articles separately. . In the first article he proves, that 
the government is bound to have the Gospel preached. 
But if a government, possessed by Satan, will not permit 
it, we ought not to raise a tumult, for God has forbidden 
it. Each one is to profess his faith, and suffer, if the go- 
vernment be hostile. ^' It is not possible to be a Christian, 



THE WAR OF THE PEASANTS. 63 

and lay the cross upon the shoulders of others ; you must 
bear it yourself." In the second article " Of Tithes," he 
takes the side of right, and refutes the misapplied scrip- 
tural passages of the peasants. In the article " On Vas- 
salage," he also defends the established order of things, 
and proves that the passages quoted by the peasants had 
no reference to bodily, but to spiritual freedom. " There- 
fore," he says, "the expectation of the peasants has no 
pretext. Yes, it would be better if so wild and unruly a 
nation, like the German, had less liberty than they really 
possess." — "Our authorities indulge the people in all 
wantonness, and only require money of them, but keep 
them under no restraint, which causes great disorders !" 

He then reviews the remaining articles, of the chase, 
forests, services, taxes, penalties, &c. Of the right of 
heriot, a tax, he says that the government ought to abolish 
it, and remember the poor orphans. He concludes his 
pamphlet with very earnest words to the princes and pea- 
sants. To the former he says, they should humble them- 
selves, because they had transgressed in many ways. 
"For God has always, from the beginning, overturned 
governments, when their wantonness became too great." 
He advises them to abolish the abuse of the mass, the 
celibacy of the clergy, and to appropriate the possessions 
of convents for useful purposes, especially for schools. 
Thus, should the princes lend a friendly hand, there 
would be some hope that w^ords might answer a good pur- 
pose ; but should this clemency be unavailing, the princes 
should strengthen themselves to treat the rebels as mur- 
derers. Melanchthon, Avho completed this pamphlet before 
the conclusion of the w^ar of the peasants, added an appen- 
dix as soon as he heard that the peasants had been put 
down on every side. Now, the amiable man is merely a 



64 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

herald of peace and clemency. In this appendix he says : 
" As God has now given the victory, and the murderous 
rabble, which would not have peace, has been punished 
according to the .laws of God, the princes should further 
be very careful that no harm befall the innocent, and also 
show mercy to the poor people, some of whom sinned 
through fear, others through folly." He points them to 
the example of David, who punished at the proper time, 
but at another also showed mercy, and concludes his ex- 
cellent production in the following words — worthy of being 
taken to heart : " The Government should also look to it, 
that the word of God might be preached in the proper 
way, and that those customs of the church which oppose 
the word of God, be changed. Then God would grant 
them peace and prosperity in their government, as he did 
to Hezekiah and other pious monarchs, who put away the 
old abuses in the services of religion. For he declares, 
1 Sam. ii. 30: 'For them that honor me, I will honor, and 
they that despise me shall be lightly esteemed.' " Not all 
the victorious princes regarded this truly Christian word, 
but punished and oppressed the peasants most severely, 
whilst they laid the blame of the rebellion upon the gospel 
thus recommended. But the Elector Frederick the Wise 
did not act thus. The peasants had also risen in rebellion 
in his dominions. Thomas MiiNZER, one of the most 
crazed and preposterous of beings, stood at their head. 
He endeavored to screen himself behind divine revelations, 
for all his violence against the government. When the 
rebellion was increasing, the Elector was confined by ill- 
ness. These events moved him deeply ; but in a letter to 
his brother, Duke John, he thus expressed himself: "It is 
God's sending and w^ork, and God grant a happy conclu- 
sion." Again, he says: "Perhaps occasion has been given 



THE WAR OF THE PEASANTS. 65 

the poor people, particularly by prohibiting the word of 
God. Thus the poor are oppressed in many ways by us 
secular and spiritual authorities. God avert his anger 
from us !" This was Frederick's opinion, and his brother 
fully coincided in it. The Lord also gave the victory to 
the princes in Saxony and Thuringia. Melanchthon has 
described this rebellion in its beginning and close. He 
thus begins his narrative : "After Dr. Martin Luther had 
preached several years, and had taught the pure and true 
gospel, the devil sowed his seed by its side, raised many 
false and hurtful preachers, in order that the gospel might 
again be darkened and suppressed, and much blood might 
also be shed. For Christ himself has given the devil this 
name, and has thus painted him, that he was a murderer 
from the beginning, and will cause murders to the end of 
the world." 

Before the termination of the war, the Elector fell asleep 
on the 5th of May, 1525, in a truly Christian manner, so 
that his physician said : "He was a child of peace, and 
died peacefully." As it was desirable to prevent all 
superstitious customs at the funeral of the Elector, Luther 
and Melanchthon were requested to give their opinion. 
They did so ; and the funeral ceremonies were conducted 
in this manner. Not only did Luther preach his cele- 
brated funeral sermon, but Melanchthon also delivered a 
Latin oration in the church, which shows how well he was 
able to appreciate a prince of Frederick's character. He 
spoke of the excellent qualities of the deceased, and his 
love for the word of God, and concluded thus : " I pray 
that God in his mercy may receive into his own keeping 
the soul of Frederick ! May he also bless the adminis- 
tration of the government by his brother, protect oui^ 
country in these unhappy times, and grant you all that 



6Q LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

affection for public peace, that you may reverence your 
princes Ynth all fidelity and conscientiousness, according to 
the command of God." 

Melanchthon sustained a great loss in the death of this 
exalted patron ; but John the Constant, who now held 
the reins of government, bore the same affection in his 
heart towards the chosen instruments of the Reformation. 

He even took a more decided stand than his brother, as 
we shall see hereafter. Melanchthon feared that the 
wheels of the machine would be interfered with too much. 
The slow, prudent conduct of the Elector, which he had 
extolled in his address, pleased him very well. To his 
fears in this respect another event was added during this 
year, which incited their enemies to increased slanders. 
This was Luther's sudden marriage in June, 1525, to 
Catharine von Bora, who had been a nun. Luther took 
this step, standing upon the word of God, and in defiance 
of his enemies. But there seemed to be no end to the 
noise ; yet Melanchthon, who had declared himself in 
favor of the marriage of the clergy, could not but approve 
of the marriage. Yet he would have prevented it during 
this period of ferment, had it been in his power to do so. 
But when Luther began to be concerned himself, Melanch- 
thon became his comforter.* 

* Melanchthon addressed the following apologetic letter to Came- 
rarius : " As some unfounded reports will probably reach you, re- 
specting the marriage of Luther, I think it proper to inform you of 
the true state of the case, and to give my opinion. On the 13th of 
June, Luther, to our great surprise, and without saying a word to 
his friends, married Catharine de Bora, and only invited Pomeranus, 
Lucca the painter, and Apellus the lawyer, to supper in the evening, 
celebrating the espousals in the customary manner. Some perhaps 
may be astonished that he should have married at this unfavorable 
juncture of public affairs, so deeply afflictive to every good man, and 



HIS LABOKS FOR THE CHURCH AND SCHOOLS. 67 



CHAPTER VIII. 

HIS LABORS FOR THE CHURCH AND SCHOOLS. 

Although Melanclitlion's professional activity was 
principally directed to the education of good teachers and 
pastors for the schools and churches, yet the confidence 
enjoyed by him, and his splendid reputation, which bore 
his name far beyond the confines of Saxony, soon afforded 

thus appear to be unaffected and careless about the distressing events 
which have occurred amongst us ; even though his own reputation 
suffers at a moment when Germany most requires his talents and 
influence. This, however, is my view of the subject: Luther is a 
man who has nothing of the unsocial misanthropist about him ; but 
you know his habits, and I need say no more on this head. Surely 
it is no wonderful thing that his great and benevolent soul should 
be influenced by the gentle affections, especially as there is nothing 
reprehensible or criminal in it. He is in fact by nature fitted for the 
married state ; and it is pronounced honorable in the sacred Scrip- 
tures. I saw that his change of situation produced some degree of 
perturbation and gloom of mind, and I have done my utmost to cheer 
him ; for I cannot condemn him as having committed a fault, or 
fallen into sin, though I grant God has recorded many sins which 
some of his ancient saints committed, in order that we might be 
stimulated to repose our confidence, not in men, however dignified 
and distinguished, but in his word alone. I have in possession the 
most decisive evidences of his piety and love to God, so that the 
malicious reproaches heaped upon Luther are nothing else than the 
inventions of scurrilous sycophants, who want employment for a 
slanderous tongue, &c. &g, — Mel. Epistles. Cox. 



68 LIFEOFMELANCHTIION. 

him an opportunity to exert a very salutary influence in 
the erection of new, and improvement of established 
schools. Even before he had, together with Luther, ar- 
ranged the school in Eisleben, and also one in Magdeburg, 
of which Cruciger was Rector, he was invited to Nurem- 
berg, by Jerome Baumgartner, towards the close of the 
year 1524, in order to establish a Gymnasium,* and to act 
as its Rector. Rut nothing could induce him to leave 
Wittenberg. He therefore declined the offer of an ap- 
pointment in Nuremberg, although he had the establish- 
ment of this institution of learning much at heart. One 
' year after the invitation to visit Nuremberg, he undertook 
the journey with his friend Camerarius. This celebrated 
imperial city, which was then called ''the eye of Ger- 
many," attracted him on many accounts ; for it had an 
eye open to the Gospel, and numbered among its in- 
habitants many of the most distinguished minds, with 
whom Melanchthon was intimately connected. Among 
these were Pirkheimer, Baumgartner, Lazarus Spongier, 
Ebner and Nlitzel. He entered Nuremberg on the 12th 
of November, 1525. He communicated his views in re- 
gard to the arrangement of the school, and proposed able 
men as teachers. Camerarius, his beloved friend, was 
appointed Rector of the school. Other men also accepted 
the call extended to them. In the following year we find 
Melanchthon, true to his promise, in Nuremberg again. 
He formally opened this learned institution with a Latin 
address. May 23, 1526. In this address he uttered weighty 
words concerning the necessity and utility of the sciences. 
He concluded with the appropriate prayer : "I pray 
Christ that he may assist your important work by his 

* In Germany, the higher schools, intended to give immediate 
preparation for the universities, are termed gymnasia. — Brande. 



HIS LABORS FOR THE CHURCH AND SCHOOLS. 69 

grace, and that he may accompany your intentions and 
the diligence of those who shall study here, with his bless- 
ing." Among his friends in Nuremberg, he also numbered 
the celebrated painter, Albert Durer, whose heart was 
also with the work of the Reformation. He spent a few 
very pleasant days with him and the rest of his friends, 
but returned to Wittenberg in June. Important business 
awaited him there, but in the middle of July he was seized 
with a severe illness, and his physician considered his re- 
covery doubtful ; but the Lord could not spare him yet. 

In the beginning of the year 1526, he was formally ap- 
pointed to deliver lectures on Theology, although he re- 
monstrated against it. His salary was increased to 200 
florins. But the most important duty in which he was 
engaged at that time was in participating in the visitation 
of the schools and churches in Saxony. It may well be 
imxagined that these were in a miserable condition. The 
Apostolic doctrine, which was proclaimed in Wittenberg 
with Apostolical power, had not found an entrance every- 
where. In some of the schools and churches they still 
pertinaciously adhered to the beaten path. In other quar- 
ters it was patchwork, a new patch upon an old garment. 
There was one case of a minister who preached the gospel 
in his principal church, but read mass in the under-paro- 
chial charch where they required a different practice. The 
confusion in doctrine, church customs, and church treasu- 
ries was truly deplorable. Luther did not complain with- 
out reason : " Help, dear Lord, what frequent distress have 
I seen, because the common people, particularly in villages, 
know nothing at all of Christian doctrine, and it is but too 
true that many ministers are unskilful and unfit to teach. 
And yet all are called Christians, are baptized, and enjoy 
the holy sacraments, and do not even know the Lord's 



70 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

Prayer, or the Creed, or tlie Ten Commandments, and live 
on like the brutes. ..." 

Luther had taken this distress to heart long before, and 
had earnestly appealed to Court, to institute a Visitation 
of all the schools and churches in the land. The Elector 
John, who was greatly concerned for the spread of the 
truth, ordered such a visitation. It took place in 1527, 
and was a real work of necessity, but at the same time full 
of blessings. Different commissions were appointed for 
different parts of the country. Melanchthon was ordered 
to visit Thuringia, accompanied by Jerome Schurff, Eras- 
mus of Haugwitz, and John of Planitz. Great indeed was 
the spiritual distress discovered by them ! Melanchthon 
often went out and wept, as he writes himself: "What can 
be offered in justification, that these poor people have 
hitherto been left in such great ignorance and stupidity ? 
My heart bleeds when I regard this misery. Often when 
we have completed the visitation of a place, I go to one 
side and pour forth my distress in tears. And who would 
not mourn to see the faculties of man so utterly neglected, 
and that his soul, which is able to learn and grasp so much, 
does not even know anything of its Creator and Lord." 
However, the Elector's instructions to the visitors enjoined 
it upon them to proceed in the most lenient manner. They 
obeyed strictly, and no doubt accomplished more in this 
way than if they had fallen upon everything in the stormy 
spirit of a Karlstadt. 

Melanchthon was .also commissioned to prepare an In- 
struction for the ministers in the Electorate of Saxony. 
This called forth a little volume with the title, " Instruc- 
tion of the Members of the Visitation to the Pastors in the 
Electorate of Saxony." It was handed to Luther for in- 
spection, who was entirely satisfied with it, and therefore 



HIS LABORS FOR THE CHURCH AND SCHOOLS. 71 

made but few alterations. He added a Preface to the 
book, in whicli he explained the necessity of the Visitation. 
This volume may be called the first Confession of Faith 
of the Lutheran Church, and on this account already de- 
serves to be better known. As might be expected from 
Melanchthon, it is conceived in a spirit of great modera- 
tion, and, whilst it gives prominence to the principal doc- 
trines of the true Church, treats the opposite opinions with 
great forbearance. Let us select a few passages from this 
book of Instruction. The ^rs^ chapter treats ''^ Of Doc- 
triney It says : ^'But how many now only speak of the 
forgiveness of sins, and nothing or very little of repent- 
ance, and yet there is no forgiveness of sin without repent- 
ance ; and forgiveness of sins cannot be understood without 
repentance. And when we preach forgiveness of sins 
without repentance, it will come to pass that the people 
will believe that they have already obtained forgiveness of 
sins, and will thereby become secure and careless. There- 
fore we have instructed and exhorted Pastors that, accord- 
ing to their duty, they should preach the whole Gospel, 
and not one part without the other." In the article " Of 
the Ten Qommandments^'' he requires that the people 
might be brought to a knowledge of their sins, by an exhi- 
bition of the law and of their sins, and proceeds thus: 
"Besides this, it will be profitable to preach of faith, in 
this manner, that whosoever feels pain and sorrow for sin 
should believe that his sins are forgiven him, not because 
of any merit of his own, but for Christ's sake." But the 
instruction always reverts to this, that faith is nothing 
without repentance. ''Where there is no repentance 
there is a painted faith." After having thus given promi- 
nence to the two first parts of the Christian life, he pro- 
ceeds : ' The third part of the Christian life is to do good 



72 LIFE OF MELANCHTHOK. 

works, such as chastity, to love our neighbor, to help him, 
not to lie nor cheat, not to steal, not to murder, not to be 
revengeful, not to take vengeance into his own hands, &c. 
He then enters upon a consideration of the Ten Command- 
ments. In treating the second commandment, he requires 
'HJie true Christian prayer,'' This section fully treats of 
the manner in which we ought to pray, and renounces all 
abuses. ''Whatever it may be, we are to seek }iq\^ from 
God alone." The fourth commandment is treated at 
length, and proceeds to show how children should treat 
parents, and parents their children, and particularly how 
subjects should conduct themselves towards the govern- 
ment. An entire section is devoted to the consideration 
of Tribulations, as a part of good works. They are to be 
careful to teach that all tribulations come from God, but 
also, that God is to be called upon in the midst of them. 
In considering the Sacrament of Baptism, the lawfulness 
of Infant Baptism is proved from its antitype, circumcision. 
They should perform the ceremony in the German lan- 
guage, in order that those present might understand its 
meaning. Here, too, they are directed to repentance and 
faith. Of the Sacrameyit of the body and blood of Christ, 
it teaches, " That in the bread is the true body of Christ, 
and in the wine the true blood of Christ," and mentions 
two of the principal passages of the Bible. The miracle is 
not wrought by the merits of the priest, but because Christ 
has so ordered it, that his body is present wherever men 
commune. They sliould teach in the most decided manner 
that both kinds, bread and wine, should be distributed ; yet 
no one, who, because of the weakness and fear of his con- 
science, could not receive both kinds, should be forced to 
receive both. Under such circumstances the Pastor 
should offer but one. It treats fully " Of true Christian 



HIS LABORS FOR THE CHURCH AND SCHOOLS. 73 

Repentance.'' Added to this, is the section, ^' Of true 
Christian Confession.'' It so^ys : " Papal Confession, 
namely, to rehearse all our sins, is not commanded, for it 
is impossible to do it." 

Yet, every one going to communion should be previously 
examined by the pastor. The article '' Of true Christian 
Satisfaction for Sin," shows that Christ alone has made 
satisfaction for our sin. In the chapter " Of huvian 
Church Regulations," the pastors are exhorted to insist 
upon the principal matters in their sermons. Sundays 
and festival-days are to be observed. Yea, they even 
suffer Apostles' and Saints' days to remain. But on the 
latter they are to permit labor. But it is not their inten- 
tion hereby to establish or commend the invocations and 
intercessions of the saints, for Christ aIo7ie is the mediator 
who intercedes for us. Matters relating to marriage are 
also briefly considered. Of free will it says, that we a.re 
able to perform worldly piety and good works by our own 
strength, given us and preserved for this purpose by God. 
This is the righteousness of the flesh. But they also 
teach — "Man by his own power cannot purify his heart, 
and produce divine gifts, such as true repentance from sin, 
a true and unfeigned fear of God, true faith, cordial love, 
chastity, an absence of revenge, true patience, earnest 
prayer, freedom from covetousness, &c." Concerning 
Christian Liberty, the errors of the vulgar are set aside, 
and liberty in Christ exhibited. We are also freed from 
the ceremonies of the Old Testament. The Turks are not 
forgotten, and it also mentions how the daily exercise in 
church is to be conducted. Would that it were so still in 
our churches ! Concerning true Christian Exeommunica- 
tioTi, they teach that it is to be employed against those 
persons who live in open vices, after they have been admo- 



74 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

nished several times. They are not to be permitted to 
come to the Lord's Supper ; but they are not prevented 
from hearing preaching. Overseers, called Superin- 
tendents, selected from the pastors, were appointed in 
particular districts. Besides this, this instruction of the 
visitation devotes a full chapter to schools. 

The Commissions of Visitation labored in this mild, 
conciliatory, and truly scriptural spirit, and that, too, with 
blessed results. The Catholics pretended to find a creep- 
ing back, as Luther calls it, in this book of instruction, and 
began to rejoice aloud.* When the little volume appeared 
publicly in 1528, and also during the previous years when 
a Latin sketch of it had been printed, different opinions 
were expressed concerning it. But the most singular 
attack upon the book was made by one of the evangelical 
party. A former friend of Melanchthon, John Agricola, 
rector in Eisleben, considered it unscriptural, and leading 
to the papacy, if repentance was derived from the law, and 
not from the gospel. This dispute made so much noise, 
that the Elector considered himself obliged to arrange a 
meeting in Torgau, between Agricola, on the one side, and 
Melanchthon, Luther, and Bugenhagen, on the other. It 
was held in November, 152T. Agricola could easily be 
refuted from the Scriptures ; however, he was a man ob- 

* Melanchthon discloses a secret to Camerarius: "I am apphed to 
from Bohemia to desert the Reformed cause, and promised any 
remuneration from King Ferdinand, Indeed, my defection is pub- 
hcly reported as a fact, because in the little book written for the 
Reformed Churches, I have shown an increased degree of modera- 
tion ; and yet you perceive I have really inserted nothing different 
from what Luther constantly affirms. But because I have employed 
no asperity of language, these very acute men judge that I neces- 
sarily differ from Luther. — Mel. Epist. Cox 



THEDIETOrSPIllE. 75 

stlnately wedded to his own opinion, who, as it is well 
known, stirred up this very matter ten years after, in the 
most violent manner, at which time he made use of the 
most daring expressions, such as '' Moses deserves the 
gallows." But this Antinomian spirit, which was mani- 
fested by the ultra-evangelical party from time to time, was 
refuted by Luther in the most powerful and conclusive 
manner. Melanchthon refers to this, and refutes it in a 
number of writings. 

In the summer of 1527, the university was removed to 
Jena, because the plague had broken out in Wittenberg. 
When Melanchthon had finished his first visitation tour, he 
continued to lecture in Jena, and wrote against the Ana- 
baptists, who were also carrying on their sectarianism in 
various parts of Saxony. In the autumn of 1528, he made 
his second visitation tour into Thuringia, together with 
Myconius and Menius. 



CHAPTER IX. 

THE DIET OF SPIRE. 

It is reasonable to suppose that the Pope could not have 
been satisfied Avith the great activity of the evangelical 
party, and the constantly increasing and noble spread of 
the gospel. He had but too many adherents in Germany, 
who were filled with the most violent rage against the 
Evangelical party. Duke George of Saxony, who had 
been frequently attacked by Luther, especially breathed 
vengeance. He had in his service a counsellor, named 



76 LIFE OF MELANCHTHOK. 

Otto von Pack. It is a mystery to the present day, how 
this man came to reveal a pretended secret to the son-in 
law of the Duke, the well-known Landgrave, Philip of 
Hesse, according to which the Catholic princes had formed 
a league against the evangelical states. He succeeded in 
presenting the matter in so plausible a manner, that Philip, 
who was already inclined to fight, believed it necessary to 
form a counter-league. Even the Elector John, who was 
otherwise more sober and calm, was of the same opinion. 
The Landgrave w^as not satisfied with mere words, but 
marched to the frontier with his troops ; but the Elector 
was prudent enough to ask the opinions of his theologians, 
among whom Melanchthon was included. 

Their advice was quite temperate. Athough they were 
highly incensed at this Catholic league, they would hear 
nothing of an attack. How much Melanchthon was in- 
clined to a scriptural peace, is shown in a letter addressed 
by him to the Elector on the 18th of May, 1528 : " To 
have a good conscience, and to enjoy the friendship of 
God, is surely the best consolation in all afliictions. But 
if w^e should begin by seizing the sword, and commence a 
war with an evil conscience, we would have lost this con- 
solation. Great sorrow and cares induce me to write this. 
God know^s that I do not value my own life so highly, but 
I am only thinking how much dishonor might be brought 
upon the holy Gospel, should your Electoral Grace begin 
to war, without previously making use of all means and 
ways to preserve the peace, which indeed ought to be 
done." The Elector was of the same opinion, but the 
Landgrave stood prepared to fight. But when he wrote to 
his father-in-law, Duke George, he declared the whole mat- 
ter to be "an unfounded lying report." Although the 
evangelical party could hardly believe this assertion, and 



THEDIETOFSPIRE. 77 

perhaps had reason for it, they were, nevertheless, obliged 
to put an end to all further preparations. 

Two years before, in the year 1526, a Diet had been 
held in Spire, which had taken a turn favorable to the 
evangelical party. Although the Catholics demanded that 
the wicked Edict of Worms should be executed, they never- 
theless did not succeed. The States were divided, and 
the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave Philip were 
about to leave the Diet, when King Ferdinand and the 
Elector of Treves acted as mediators, and declared that a 
Christian free council should be held in a year, in order to 
settle these religious difficulties. During this time each 
one should remain quiet and peaceful. The princes pro- 
mised to act as they wished to answer for it before God 
and the Emperor, or in their own words : " During the 
meantime, until a council shall be held, each State is so to 
treat its subjects, in reference to the Edict of Worms, as 
they hope to answer for it before God and the Emperor." 
After this, the whole matter remained as it was before, and 
there was great reason for gratitude to God that such a 
result had been reached. 

There was nothing to be dreaded on the part of the 
Emperor at this time, for he was engaged in open war with 
the Pope ; he had not yet been reconciled to the king of 
France, and the Turks were advancing victoriously. It 
would have been highly imprudent to arouse the hostility 
of a part of the German princes at this time. But that 
which he had avoided by the prudence which always cha- 
racterized his conduct throughout life, was earnestly sought 
by the Cathohc States, who had denied the existence of a 
league against the Evangelical party. Their hearts were 
full of anger. The Emperor had summoned another Diet 
to Spire, to meet on February 1st, 1529. The Imperial 



78 LIFE OF MELA NCHTHON. 

proclamation did not promise as favorable a result as tad 
been brought about by tbe last Diet of Spire. As the 
Elector well knew wbat hostility prevailed against Luther, 
he did not take him along with him, but chose the more 
peaceful Melanchthon. They arrived at Spire on the 13th 
of March, 1529. The general hatred was now directed 
against him. The prospect was a gloomy one. Melanch- 
thon had not the strong faith of Luther, by which he could 
have believed the clouds away — he rather increased their 
number by his anxiety. The Imperial proposition, in re- 
ference to religious matters, did not speak favorably of the 
innovations. It regrets that "such wicked, grievous, 
troublesome and destructive doctrines and errors have 
arisen in our holy faith, and are daily spread abroad more 
and more." His Imperial majesty, by his Imperial abso- 
lute power, annuls the resolution of the previous Diet, 
which had indeed been a very flexible one. This was not 
a good beginning. The Catholics triumphed, and suc- 
ceeded in passing a final decree of the States of the Em- 
pire assembled in Diet, which was very unfavorable to the 
Evangelical party. For this final decree insisted upon the 
execution of the Edict of the Diet of Worms. The mass 
should be retained, and all innovations in the Church be 
stopped. 

The Elector requested Luther and Melanchthon to give 
their opinion concerning this decree. They express them- 
selves decidedly opposed to assenting to the decree, but 
drop the Anabaptists and Sacramentarians, who were as 
unpopular in the electoral dominions as elsewhere. This 
opinion no doubt exercised an influence upon the Evange- 
lical States. Melanchthon's spirits were deeply affected 
during the progress of these negotiations. He expressed 
his sorrow in his letters. On the 15th of March he wrote 



TIIEDIETOFSPIRE. 79 

to Camerarlus that it could easily be seen on every side 
that the Evangelical party is hated, as "svell as what they 
intend to do. "You know," he continues, " that I observe 
many defects among our friends, but their object here is 
not to correct our faults, but to suppress the best of causes. 
But I hope that Christ will prevent this, and frustrate the 
counsels of those people who desire war." So he also en- 
treated his friend Myconius : "I exhort thee to pray Christ 
that he would regard us in mercy, and protect us. For 
here we are objects of scorn to the proud spirits, and of 
derision to the rich." 

A very bad state of feeling prevailed in Spire. Faber 
preached : " The Turks are better than the Lutherans, for 
they fast, and these do not." He even went so far as to 
say, that if he had his choice, he would rather throw away 
the Bible, than the ancient errors of the church. Came- 
rarius exhorted Melanchthon to cast his cares upon God. 
He replied, "If I had no cares, I should not cry unto God. 
But whereas piety conquers cares by prayers, it cannot be 
altogether rid of them. By cares, therefore, am I driven 
to prayer, and prayer drives away my cares." 

Verbal and written objections to the final decree were 
unavailing. Finally, the Evangelical party, and Melanch- 
thon with them, saw themselves compelled to take the step 
which has become so celebrated in the history of the 
Reformation. On the 15th of April, 1529, they entered a 
formal Protest and Appeal against the decree of the diet. 
Even though the Catholics afterwards called them Pro- 
testants, by way of derision, the despised ones could regard 
that name as an honorable title.* And at this time, more 

* The first who thus acquired the honorable appellation of Pro- 
tesfants, were John, Elector of Saxony, George, Elector of Branden- 



80 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

than ever, should we abide by this name, as an honorable 
distinction of the Evangelical Church, because the old 
assumptions are again endeavoring to gain an influence ; 
and even in the bosom of the Evangelical Church, there 
is enough against which we must protest. 

The Emperor received the Protest in a very ungracious 
manner. A threatening imperial reply arrived from Bar- 
celona, dated July 12, 1529, in which he expresses his 
disapprobation of the Protest, and concludes thus : "If 
you should continue to appear disobedient after this our 
gracious warning, we would no longer hesitate, but would 
and should be obliged to punish you, in order to maintain 
proper obedience in the Holy Empire." We may well 
imagine how such language was calculated to trouble 
Melanchthon. 

During this season of troubles, he made a brief visit to 
Bretten, to see his mother. He saw her for the last time, 
for she completed her earthly pilgrimage on the 6th of 
June, 1529.* 

burg, Ernest and Francis, Dukes of Luneburg, Philip, Landgrave 
of Hesse, and Wolfgang, Prince of Anhalt. They were seconded by 
thirteen or fourteen imperial cities. 

* During a conversation at this time, his mother mentioned the 
manner in which she was accustomed to attend to her devotions, and 
the form she generally used, which was free from the prevailing 
superstitions. ** But what," said she, " am I to believe amidst so 
many different opinions of the present day V " Go on," replied 
Melanchthon, "believe and pray as you now do, and have done 
before, and do not disturb yourself about the disputes and contro- 
versies of the time." — Adam, in Cox. 



THE CONFERENCE AT MARBUEG. 81 



CHAPTER X. 

THE CONFERENCE AT MARBURG. 

While the Catholics were filled with the most violent 
enmity against the evangelical party, and dark clouds were 
gathering over the heads of the Protestants, because of the 
decided expression of the emperor's will, it was a matter 
for the very deepest regret that a deep gulf was opened 
in the midst of the evangelical party, which grew wider 
and wider in the course of time. This was the rupture 
between the Lutherans and the Reformed, to use the names 
familiar now. We have already become acquainted with 
the restless, stormy spirit of Dr. Carlstadt, whom Melanch- 
thon called the wicked A B C, on account of the initials 
of the three names, Andrew Bodenstein Carlstadt. Among 
other errors, he also denied the bodily presence of Christ 
in the sacrament, and explained the words of institution in 
so forced a manner, that Luther was doubtful whether he 
should consider him in earnest, or think that God had 
hardened and blinded him. Luther simply adhered to the 
words of Christ, however much, as he confesses himself, he 
was spurred by his reason to deviate from the words. 
"But I am a prisoner," he says, "and cannot escape; the 
text is too powerful, and will not permit its meaning to be 
changed by words." Melanchthon also strictly held, that 
the body and blood of Christ are truly and essentially 
present in the Lord's Supper. 

Because Carlstadt would not return to Wittenberg, he 
was obliged to leave the country. But soon after he soli- 



82 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

cited Luther's intercession, who willingly complied. He 
returned to Saxony in the year 1525. Luther baptized 
his son, and his wife and Melanchthon acted as sponsors. 
But in the year 1527, Luther already expressed himself 
unfavorably of the man, who still adhered to his ridiculous 
explanation of the words of the Lord's Supper. Carlstadt 
now left Saxony, and in 1528 came to Basle, where he was 
appointed preacher and professor. He soon disappeared 
in the back-ground, when another, Ulrich Zwingli, the 
Swiss reformer, appeared with his unsatisfactory exposition 
of the words of the supper, according to which the words 
^' This is my body," were said to mean " This signifies my 
body." Although he labored with great success in Swit- 
zerland, he yet bore some resemblance to Dr. Carlstadt, in 
his stormy proceedings, for he destroyed the images, bells, 
organs, and the like. Zwingli took Carlstadt's side against 
Luther. John Oecolampadius, professor and pastor in 
Basle, and a friend of Melanchthon's youth, united with 
him in the same unsatisfactory view of the Lord's Supper. 
Luther was greatly grieved at these innovations, and 
attacked them with terrible earnestness. He called the 
Swiss Sacramentarians. We shall not introduce those 
matters, which more properly belong to the Life of Luther. 
Adhering to his declaration : " Thus it is written," he laid 
powerful blows upon the Sacramentarians, who replied in 
equally violent and biting publications. Although Me- 
lanchthon had not mingled in the strife up to the present 
time, he yet stood on Luther's side. He too felt himself 
bound by the express words of the Bible. Even from 
Spire, as early as the year 1529, he had written to his 
otherwise dearly beloved friend Oecolampadius concerning 
this matter : " It is very painful to me that discord should 
have arisen in this matter, ordained by Christ himself to 



THE CONFERENCE AT MARBURG. 83 

establish an indissoluble love. Never has anxiety for any 
matter disturbed my heart more than my anxiety in this. 
And I have not only myself considered what might be 
said for and against this matter, but I have also examined 
the opinions of the ancients. For I should not like to 
stand up as the author or defender of any new dogma in 
the Church. After having thus weighed what seemed to 
be best established on both sides, I will express my senti- 
ments, with your permission, but I cannot agree with your 
opinion." He then reviews the objections of opponents. 
One of these objections was, that the absent body of Christ 
could not be present. In answer to this he says : "I 
know that there is a promise of Christ ; ' I am with you 
alway, even unto the end of the world;' and other ones 
similar to this, in which it is not necessary to separate his 
humanity from his divinity ; and therefore I am of the 
opinion that this sacrament is a testimony of the true pre- 
sence. . . . That opinion, that Christ has taken possession 
of a part of heaven in such a manner that he is shut up 
in it as in a prison, is one altogether unworthy of a Chris- 
tian." Such an important question should not be judged 
by the rules of geometry, but by the word of God. lie 
also says, that the most distinguished Fathers of the 
Church explain the sacrament like those of the Evangelical 
party. In the conclusion of his letter he yet presents a 
variety of considerations. "I observe," he says, "that 
your cause relies upon the assistance of the understanding 
and subtleties, and that you are not only employing public 
but secret arts also, to attract attention ; and I doubt 
whether these will further your cause more than public 
ones. I am well aware of your own modesty ; therefore 
I consider it necessary to remind you to reflect, that even 
shrewd and prudent persons may sometimes fall, and it is 



84 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

particularly dangerous to rely upon our own reason in 
spiritual matters." Melanchtlion gave up all thoughts of 
a conference concerning this matter. 

However, this plan, entertained by another individual 
also, was soon to be realized. The Landgrave Philip of 
Hesse saw what incalculable mischief would follow a divi- 
sion of the Germans and the Swiss. He regarded the 
matter from a political point of view, because a party, 
divided in itself, could not accomplish that which it might 
do when united. But he also appreciated the religious 
aspect of the question. It was soon discovered to which 
side he leaned in this dispute. Be this as it may, the 
Landgrave considered it advisable to arrange a conference 
at Marburg between the Germans and the Swiss. Al- 
though the doctrine of the Lord's Supper was the principal 
point of difference, there were yet besides this a number 
of other differences. Although Melanchthon had suggested 
the idea of such a conference to Oecolampadius, he now 
dissuaded from it, when the Landgrave wished such an 
one to take place. With Luther he believed that the con- 
ference would not be productive of good. 

But finally both parties consented. The day after 
Michaelmas, the Wittenbergians, Luther, Melanchthon 
and Jonas, arrived in Marburg, after Zwingli, Oecolampa- 
dius, Bucer and Hedio, had already arrived. Andrew 
Osiander, of Nuremberg, Brenz of Hall, and Stephen 
Agricola of Augsburg, arrived after this. Jonas cannot 
sufficiently extol the gracious, friendly, even princely re- 
ception, they met with. Although it had at first been 
arranged that they should lodge in the city, the Land- 
grave now received them into his palace. Jonas remarks : 
" This has been done in these forests, not only in honor 
of learning, but of the true God and Christ, whom we 



THE CONFERENCE AT MARBURG. 85 

preacli. Would to God that everything might be decided 
to the honor of Christ !" 

Melanchthon reported the proceedings of the conference 
to the Elector John of Saxony, and likewise to Duke 
Henry of Saxony. We follow his narrative, which gives 
us a clear view of this important meeting. .At first, 
Luther conversed with Oecolampadius alone, and Melanch- 
thon with Zwingli. It was stated that Zwingli was accused 
of teaching that Original Sin was not sin, and that Bap- 
tism did not secure to children forgiveness of Original 
Sin. That he declared concerning the Lord's Supper, 
that the body and blood of Christ are not truly in the 
sacrament. He is also said to teach that the Holy Ghost 
is not given through the Word and Sacrament, but with- 
out the word and sacrament. Further, it is asserted, that 
some do not teach correctly of the Divinity of Christ, and 
also spoke awkwardly of Justification before God. That 
they did not insist enough upon the doctrine of Faith. 
Zwingli hereupon declared that he always believed, and 
did still believe, that Christ is true God and man. That 
it is not his fault if others have taught improperly. They 
disputed a long time concerning original sin, and the means 
by which the Holy Ghost is communicated. Zwingli yielded 
this point. 

On the 2d of October, the following day, they began the 
principal battle on the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper. 
The Landgrave and his chief counsellors attended this 
discussion. They disputed two days on this point of dif- 
ference. Zwingli and Oecolampadius steadily maintained : 
1. That Christ taught a spiritual eating of his body in 
John vi., and therefore we should only understand a spi- 
ritual eating in the Sacrament. 2. That a body cannot 
be present in many places at one and the same time. 
8 



86 LIFEOFMELANCHTHON. 

Christ possesses a true body, and is in heaven ; therefore, 
he could not be in the Sacrament at the same time. Here 
they made a number of awkward assertions ; e. g., God 
does not present such unintelligible matters to us, outward 
participation is useless. 3. Oecolampadius introduced 
quotations from Augustine, that Sacraments are mere 
signs, signifying something, even as the serpent in the 
wilderness signifies something. He thought it sufficient to 
be satisfied with a spiritual participation. Luther replied 
as the principal speaker. Concerning John vi., he de- 
clared that, although Christ is there speaking of spiritual 
eating, yet this is not opposed to bodily eating. He, too, 
taught a spiritual eating, but in the words of the institu- 
tion an outward eating is ordained. The opposite party 
then referred to the words : " The flesh profiteth nothing." 
It was replied to them, that, as Christ above speaks of his 
flesh as giving life, the words quoted by them could not 
refer to his own flesh, but to our own carnal being and 
thoughts. But if we wish to explain it of Christ's flesh, 
we cannot draw any other conclusion from it than this, 
that the flesh of Christ, when received without faith, pro- 
fiteth nothing. To the second objection they replied, that 
our reason should not judge God's power and glory, whether 
one body is able to be present in many places or not. 
Melanchthon relates that their opponents steadfastly ad- 
hered to this objection. They said that even wicked priests 
could perform thi^ great miracle. It was replied to them, 
that we ought not to regard the worthiness of the priests, 
but the commandment of God. Upon this they dropped 
their objection. To the third objection, in which Oecolam- 
padius declared " the Sacraments are signs, and therefore 
we ought to grant that they signify something ; therefore we 
ought to acknowledge in the Lord's Supper that the body 



THE CONFERENCE AT MARBURG. 87 

of the Lord is only signified, and not present," the other 
side replied, that we ought not to explain them in a man- 
ner different from that in which Christ had explained them. 
That the Sacraments are signs, should be understood thus, 
that they signify promises connected with them. Thus, the 
Lord's Supper signifies that the death of Christ has ob- 
tained satisfaction for our sins, and gives us the assurance 
of the forgiveness of sin. From this it does not follow as 
a matter of necessity that Christ's body is not present. 
Zwingli and Oecolampadius quoted many passages from 
the Fathers in corroboration of their views. Their oppo- 
nents also presented many clear declarations of the Church 
Fathers to the Landgrave in writing, from which it ap- 
peared that the ancient Church taught the true presence 
of the body and blood of Christ in the Lord's Supper. 

Such was the result of the conference at Marburg. Both 
parties adhered to their own opinions. The Swiss asked 
to be regarded as brethren. Luther refused, and declared 
this to be an evidence that they did not value their own 
cause very highly. Although they were satisfied with 
Luther's doctrines on all other points, they adhered to 
their own opinion of the Lord's Supper. It is true Me- 
lanchthon expresses a hope that they might change their 
opinion in this matter at some future day, but this hope 
was never realized. 

The Conference lasted three days. Melanchthon had 
feared that their opponents would be far more violent, and 
expressed himself well satisfied with them in this respect. 
The Landgrave was also deeply interested in this discus- 
sion. It is said that he made the remark: "Now he would 
rather believe the simple words of Christ than the subtle 
thoughts of men." Although this conference effected some 
good in correcting many misapprehensions and errors, as 



88 LIFEOFMELANCHTIION. 

well as for a while putting an end to the violent polemical 
writings, yet no union had been brought about in the mat- 
ter of the Lord's Supper. The schism remained, and grew 
more incurable in future days. Meetings were again held 
in Rotach, Schwabach, Smalkald, and in Nuremberg, in 
the beginning of the year 1530, in order to bring about a 
union with the upper Germans. But they would not for- 
sake their opinion, and the Elector, who believed Luther's 
doctrine, could not induce himself to enter into a league 
with his opponents. Besides this, the latter were so far 
removed from the Catholics in the doctrine of the Lord's 
Supper, that it was not to be hoped that they would be 
received when united. However, the Landgrave, whose 
purpose to unite the Reformed, especially the four upper 
German cities, with the Lutherans, had so far been frus- 
trated, did not relinquish all hope of final success. He 
made repeated efforts. Thus a meeting was held in 
Schwabach in October, 1529. Luther had prepared seven- 
teen articles, one of which expressed the true presence of 
the body and blood of Christ in the Sacrament. But they 
could not unite here, nor in the Conferences at Smalkald 
in November, and Nuremberg, in January, 1530. 

Thus, while the Catholics were banded together to in- 
flict deadly blows upon the Protestants, these were sepa- 
rated into two parties ; and if we add the sects, into a 
number of parties. But now every eye was directed to 
the Diet of Augsburg, at which the cause of the Pro- 
, testants was to be considered again. All were in anxious 
expectation to see what the Emperor would do. And on 
this occasion it was reserved for Melanchthon to produce 
a work which should not only excite attention in Augsburg, 
but which decided and secured the lawful position of the 
Evangelical Church. However, Melanchthon was not in 



THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 89 

tlie most joyous frame of mind at this time. He thus 
expresses this in a letter to Camerarius : '' Not a day 
passes in which I do not wish that I might leave this 
world." 



CHAPTER XI. 

THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 

The Turks, who had advanced victoriously as far as 
Vienna, met with so determined a resistance at the hands 
of the brave hero Philip of the Palatinate, that they 
were obliged to retreat. Thus the danger which threat- 
ened the Emperor from the East was lessened. He had 
resumed peaceful relations with King Francis of France, 
and was also reconciled to the Pope, and had been crowned 
by him. He now had abundant opportunity to attend to 
the religious difficulties, and, as he hoped, to bring them 
to a happy conclusion. It is very true that Pope Clemens 
would hear nothing of it, when he informed him that it 
would be necessary to hold a general council, and that he 
intended to summon a Diet on this account. Clemens, in 
his reply, declared, that religious difficulties must be 
brought before the Bishop of Rome, and that he in every 
case had a right to convene a General Council. He de- 
manded power of arms to suppress the dissatisfaction 
reigning in Germany, and said : " There is no other way 
for you but to restore peace by your arms." Of course 
Charles would not agree to this. He insisted upon a Diet, 
and said : '^ We must hear both sides, and then pronounce 
8* 



90 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

sentence, not according to our tyrannical pleasure, but 
according to the law and doctrine given us by God." 

On the 21st of January, 1530, the necessary imperial 
documents were dispatched from Bologna to Germany, 
fixing the meeting of the Diet for the 8th of April, in 
Augsburg. Besides deliberating concerning assistance 
against the Turks, they would also consider "what might 
be done and resolved in reference to the errors and schism 
in our holy faith and the Christian religion." The impe- 
rial proclamation was couched in very mild terms, yet the 
Evangelical party entertained unfounded fears that the 
Emperor would now assume a more hostile attitude. The 
Landgrave Philip of Hesse even considered it dangerous 
to attend the Diet. We are already acquainted with this 
man, who was not at all disinclined to divide the Gordian 
knot with the sword. But the Elector John was of a dif- 
ferent opinion, and besides this, consulted his Theologians 
in this important matter. They expressed themselves most 
decidedly against an armed resistance. Luther gave his 
opinion to the Elector as early as the 6th of March. Me- 
lanchthon added a preface. On the 14th of March an 
electoral decree was sent to Luther, Jonas, Bugenhagen, 
and Melanchthon, which called upon them to prepare a 
list of the principal points of dijBTerence in matters of 
Eaith, and the customs of the Church, so that it might be 
known how far they might go at the approaching Diet. 
They selected the 17 so called articles of Torgau, which 
were formerly called .the articles of Schwabach, and had 
been prepared by Luther. They constitute the basis of 
the Augsburg Confession. On March 21, the Theologians 
were commanded to meet the Elector in Torgau. Here in 
Torgau, these Theologians assembled in the parsonage, 
and presented this matter to God, with prayers and sighs. 



THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 91 

On one occasion, Melanclitlion arose, sad and weary, 

having been called out by a messenger. When he had 

dismissed the messenger, he retired to his room. Here he 

found the wives and children of the Pastor, and his two 

chaplains. Some of these children were being suckled, 

whilst others were being examined in the Catechism and 

Prayer. When Master Philip saw this, he stood still for 

a little while, looking on and listening with great surprise 

as the little children are praying with stammering tongues, 

and he thinks of the words of the Psalmist : ^' Out of the 

mouths of babes and sucklings thou hast perfected praise." 

He is especially moved by beholding the wife of one of 

the chaplains suckling one child, and at the same time 

cutting turnips for her husband's dinner, whilst another 

child is repeating its prayers to her. When Philip saw 

this, he exclaimed : '' Oh ! what a holy and God-pleasing 

work !" He goes in again to the Theologians, joyous and 

comforted. Dr. Luther asked him how he came to enter 

so pleasantly, after having gone out in such sadness. Then 

Melanchthon replied : " My dear Sirs, let us not be so 

faint-hearted, for I have just now seen those who shall 

fight for us, who protect us, and who are and shall remain 

invincible in all violence." Dr. Luther inquired who these 

mighty heroes were ? Philip replied : " The wives and 

little children of our Pastor and his chaplains, whose prayer 

is now heard, and which God will not leave unanswered, 

even as our faithful God and Father of our Lord Jesus 

Christ has not despised this their prayer up to the present 

time." This filled the Theologians with great joy, so that 

they remained firmly in the truth, and bore witness of the 

same. And the result proved that faith and prayer will 

always gain the victory. The Elector was pleased with 

these articles, and commissioned Melanchthon to arrange 



92 LIFE OF MELA NCHTHON. 

them in a proper manner, and also to write an introduction 
to them. 

On the third of April, the Elector, accompanied by a 
numerous retinue, and the Theologians, commenced his 
journey. They proceeded very slowly, by way of Eisen- 
berg, Weimar, and Coburg. Here they rested several 
days, for Melanchthon was already preparing the articles 
which were to be delivered at Augsburg. But Luther, 
who was particularly hated by their opponents, was left 
behind in Coburg, where he took up his quarters in the 
castle, having for his companion a very worthy man, Yeit 
Dietrich, of Nuremberg. April 21st or 22d, the Elector 
resumes his journey, and Agricola has taken Luther *s 
place. In Nuremberg they halted but a single day. Me- 
lanchthon made use of these moments to report the latest 
news to Luther, and thus concludes : " Christ preserve 
you, pray for us all!" On the 2d of May, the Elector 
and his retinue arrived in Augsburg. None of the princes 
had yet arrived. As they were obliged to wait some time 
for the coming of the Emperor, Melanchthon, who was at 
all times fond of correcting his productions, had ample 
time to improve the Confession. On the 4th of May, he 
wrote to Luther concerning this matter, and says : "I 
have given the introduction to our Confession a more ele- 
gant turn than it had as I wrote it in Coburg. But I will 
shortly bring it to you, or, if the Elector will not permit 
this, send it you." He was already able to send the Con- 
fession to Luther on the 11th of May ; but he now called 
it an Apology, because at the same time it should also be 
a defence of the Evangelical faith. It was his intention 
to prove in this that the doctrine of the Evangelical party 
did not at all depart from the Christian Church. He writes : 
" We send our Apology to you, although it is rather a 



THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 93 

Confession. For the Emperor has no time to listen to 
long disputations. But I have, nevertheless, mentioned 
whatever I considered to he particularly useful and appro- 
priate. On this account I have included nearly every 
article of faith, because Eck has published quite devilish 
blasphemies against us. I wished to present an antidote 
to this. You will judge of the entire work according to 
your own mind." Melanchthon and the Elector, who 
added a letter to the Confession, inquired of Luther what 
ought to be done, in case the Emperor should prohibit the 
Evangelical party from preaching. Luther returned Me- 
lanchthon's manuscript to the Elector, with these words : 
" I have read Mr. Philip's Apology. I like it well enough. 
I know of nothing to improve or alter in it, besides that 
would not be suitable, for I cannot walk so meekly and so 
silently. May Christ our Lord grant that this may pro- 
duce much and great fruit, even as we hope and pray. 
Amen." In reply to the question concerning preaching, 
he declared his opinion, that " they ought to yield to the 
Emperor, if previous humble remonstrance has been made, 
because the city is his." As the Emperor still delayed, 
Melanchthon again took the file in hand, in order to give 
greater perfection to the Confession of Faith. He wrote 
to Luther on the 22d of May : ''I daily alter many things 
in the Apology. I have taken out the article ' On vows,' 
because it was by far too short and meagre, and have put 
a fuller one in its place. I am now arranging the article 
on the * Power of the Keys.' " He prepared the Latin, as 
well as the German text. When the document was com- 
pleted, it was also communicated to the ambassadors of the 
free cities. These were so well pleased with it, that the 
resolution that it should be signed in the name of all the 
Evangelical States was passed at once. However, the 



94 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

Theologians of the various States met together to discuss 
the different articles of the Confession. They particularly 
discussed the little word ''- really," in Article 10, which 
treats of the Sacrament of the body and blood of Christ. 
Tor this was opposed by some in the most determined 
manner. 

While they were thus deliberating, the emperor was still 
delaying his coming, and they were thus kept in the 
greatest suspense. It was reported that the notorious 
Cajetan was accompanying the Emperor as the legate of 
the Pope. Melanchthon says of him : " He is a foolish 
and insolent man, with whom you cannot do anything." 
But this report, as so many others circulated at this time, 
was not corroborated. The Elector had sent John von 
DoLTZiG to the imperial court, who returned with the order 
that all preaching in Augsburg should be stopped. "We 
already know what Luther thought of this. Melanchthon 
entertained the same opinion. But the Elector, and his 
chancellor BRiicK, were unwilling to obey this prohibition, 
and protested against it. At last, the Emperor decided 
that no preacher, no matter who he might be, should be 
permitted to preach in Augsburg, without being appointed 
to do so by the Emperor himself. When the Lutherans in 
Augsburg were likewise deliberating what they should do, 
if they should be forbidden to eat meat on certain days, if 
spiritual jurisdiction should be demanded again, and they 
should desire to re-establish convents, and the like, Me- 
lanchthon delivered his written opinion to the Elector. He 
was in favor of yielding, but opposed the re-establishment 
of convents. 

The conduct of the Landgrave Philip, of Hesse, grieved 
him exceedingly ; for he was very anxious to bring about 
a union between the Lutherans and the Swiss. For this 



THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 95 

purpose, he had previously brought about the Conference 
at Marburg, without, however, accomplishing his purpose 
in the doctrine of the Lord's Supper. He still entertained 
thoughts of a union. On this account, Melanchthon wrote 
to Luther, May 22 : "I entreat you most earnestly to write 
to the Landgrave, and to exhort him, that he should not 
burden his conscience by defending any false doctrine." 
In addition to this, Melanchthon and Brenz also addressed 
a letter to the Landgrave, and justified themselves for not 
being able to unite with the Zwinglians. The Landgrave 
replied in very temperate language, insisting upon treating 
the Zwinglians as brethren, without, however, being able 
to shake the opinions of the two theologians. The Catho- 
lics knew very well that such divisions had arisen in the 
Evangelical camp. It will always remain a subject of 
regret that no union could be brought about. Melanch- 
thon and Brenz declared: "We have such articles, of 
which, by the grace of God, we are certain, and are able 
to suffer for them with a good conscience, which is indeed 
a source of great comfort in every danger ; but we cannot 
be certain of the Zwinglian doctrine, as it is called, for we 
have no clear word of God for it." 

Relying upon the word of God, they could indeed calmly 
await coming events. At last the Emperor, who had 
delayed so long, arrived in Augsburg. He made his public 
entrance on the 15th of June. Not Cajetan, but the 
smoother Campegius, accompanied the Emperor, as the 
Pope's legate. We may well suppose that this public en- 
trance was very magnificent. The following day was the 
festival of Corpus Christi. As the evangelical princes 
could not conscientiously take a part in this festival, which 
celebrated a doctrine which they rejected most decidedly, 
they took no part in the procession. They declared to the 



96 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON, 

Emperor, who insisted upon their attendance : " They 
could not conscientiously before God, comply with this 
demand, because this procession was made a species of 
worship." The princes at first expressed themselves in the 
most decided manner, against the Emperor's demand that 
the preaching should be stopped. The Margrave George 
even said, before the 'Emperor : " Rather than deny my 
God and his Gospel, I would kneel down here before your 
Imperial Majesty, and have my head cut off." The Em- 
peror replied, in his defective German, *'Not head off, not 
head off." However, as the Emperor had prohibited 
preaching to both parties, and had reserved the right to 
appoint preachers for himself, the Lutherans could not 
complain any longer, especially as their theologians ad- 
vised peaceful measures. The day preceding the opening 
of the Diet, Melanchthon wrote to his friend Camerarius, 
that the Confession would be more moderate than the un- 
godliness of their enemies deserved. He had only insisted 
upon the principal matters, and restored spiritual jurisdic- 
tion entirely to the bishops. That many, indeed, were 
dissatisfied with this ; but that he would be willing to 
accept even more stringent conditions, if peace might be 
attained by these means. He continues : "After Mercu- 
rinus is dead, there is no one of any consequence at Court, 
who is inclined to peace. He had gained over a Spanish 
secretary, who promised well, and had already spoken to 
the Emperor and Campegius; but all lies in the hands of 
God. Pray to Christ that he may grant peace. Not only 
are we forbidden to preach, but our adversaries also. 
However, the Emperor, by his imperial power, will appoint 
a preacher who shall only read the mere text of the gospel 
and Epistle. In this you may observe the wonderful wis- 
dom of the courtiers." Concerning the prospects of the 



THE DIET OF AUaSBURa. 97 

Diet, Luther thus strikingly expresses himself towards 
Agricola : " Truly, you are not merely to contend with 
men in Augshurg, but with the gates of Hell." And 
again : " The Lord Jesus, who has sent you all thither to 
be his witnesses and servants, and for whose sake you ex- 
pose your necks, be with you, and testify unto you by his 
Spirit, that you may know with certainty, and may not 
doubt, that you are his witnesses. This faith will 
strengthen and comfort you, for you are the ambassadors 
of a great King. These are true words. Amen." Such 
courageous faith should have filled all the Lutherans, and 
Melanchthon in particular. 

At last, on the 20th of June, the Diet was opened by 
the celebration of Mass, by the Archbishop of Mentz. 
The Papal orator, Pimpinelli, made the address. After- 
wards they proceeded to the town-hall, where the Imperial 
demands were proclaimed, first against the Turks, then in 
matters of religion. In reference to the last point, the 
Emperor expressed his regret that the previous Imperial 
resolutions had not been carried out, Nevertheless, the 
States should express their sentiments in matters of reli- 
gion in Latin and German declarations. Melanchthon, 
filled with excessive alarm, believed this important matter 
might be brought to a favorable conclusion by private 
efforts. It was not a good plan ; however, he adopted it. 
Among the retainers of the Emperor was a secretary 
named Alphonsus Yf aldesius. This Spaniard seems to 
have been a shrewd man. He entered into communication 
with Melanchthon, and revealed his views of the Lutherans 
as they were regarded in Spain. It was thought there 
that they did not believe in a God, or the Holy Trinity, 
or Christ, or Mary ; so that the people of Spain thought 
they could not serve God better than by killing a Lutheran. 
9 



98 LIFE OF MEL^NCHTHON. 

Melanchthon replied somewliat to the following effect: 
" The Lutheran cause is not so tedious and awkward as it 
may have been represented to his Imperial Majesty ; and 
that the principal difficulty was concerning the articles, of 
the two forms in the Sacrament, of priests and monks, 
marriage and the mass ; because the Lutherans considered 
solitary masses sinful. If these articles should be conceded, 
he believed that ways and means might be found to settle 
all the rest." Soon after he was informed by the Imperial 
secretary that the Emperor was pleased to hear this, and 
had commanded that he should make a very brief state- 
ment of the Lutheran articles, and deliver it to him. The 
Emperor also believed that it would be most advisable to 
settle the matter quietly ; for public trials and quarrelsome 
disputations were only productive of ill-will, and not of 
unity. 

Melanchthon expressed himself ready to reflect upon 
this subject ; but neither the Elector nor Chancellor Briick 
would permit the matter to be disposed of in this way. 
He was merely permitted to show the Confession, which, 
as Melanchthon wrote to Camerarius, the Secretary Wal- 
desius found ^' entirely too bitter for the opponents to 
endure it." 

As they could not and would not take the by-way of 
silence, the Emperor suddenly, on the 22d of June, ap- 
pointed Friday, June 24th, for the delivery of the Evan- 
gelical Confession. This short time greatly perplexed the 
Lutherans, because Melanchthon still wished to make fur- 
ther corrections, and the Introduction also was wanting. 
In order that this might be in the proper form, Chancellor 
Briick assisted him. The Theologians, (there were twelve 
present,) assembled to deliberate. Nine princes and cities 
signed the German copy of the Confession ; and because 



THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 99 

they had no further tnne to spare, they took Melanchthon's 
manuscript as the Latin copy. The 24th of June arrived, 
but it being too late, the reading of the Confession could 
only take place on the following day, Saturday, June 25, 
1530. 

This day, which has become one of the most important 
in the History of the Evangelical Church, came at last. 
Spalatin says : " One of the greatest deeds ever accom- 
plished in the world has been done this day." The Em- 
peror and his brother Ferdinand, Princes and States of 
the Empire, and distinguished Ecclesiastics, were there 
assembled, to listen to the reading of the Confession of 
Faith. The Saxon Chancellor read the German Confes- 
sion so loudly and distinctly, that it was not only heard in 
the hall, but also in the court, where a great multitude was 
assembled. It contained two parts, the first including all 
the doctrines of Faith, the other the disputed articles. 
On account of our limited space, we shall but briefly touch 
upon the different articles, as every one, especially every 
Lutheran, should be most intimately acquainted with the 
Confession of his Church. We have more need of it at 
this time than formerly, for the ancient errors arise with 
renewed vigor, and may easily shake one who is uncertain 
in his belief. 

First — 1. Stands the Confession of the Holy Trinity, 
of God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. 2. How we 
become pious and righteous before God. 3. How all men 
are born with Original Sin. 4. What Original Sin is. 
5. How we attain God's Grace. 6. How preaching is 
necessary towards Justification. 7. How Faith must pro- 
duce good fruits and works. 8. What the general Chris- 
tian Church is. 9. That the Sacraments are efiicacious, 
even when administered by wicked priests. 10. Of Bap- 



100 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

tism, against the Anabaptists. 11. Of the Holj Sacra- 
ment of the true body and blood of Christ in the Sacra- 
ment of the Altar. 12. Of Repentance. 13. That the 
Sacraments are such consoling tokens, with which we are 
assured and may be certain that God, for Christ's sake, 
will be gracious, kind and merciful to us, and do us good 
in time and eternity. 14. Of the Teachers of the Church. 
15. Of Ceremonies, that those are to be observed for the 
sake of peace, which can be observed without sin, but they 
are not to be observed in order to attain salvation. 16. Of 
human laws and order. 17. That Christ will come at the 
last day, to judge the quick and the dead, to give ever- 
lasting life and joy to believers, and to condemn the devil 
and the wicked. 18. Of Free Will, that w^e have a free 
will to be pious outwardly, but not before God. 19. That 
sin comes from the perverted will of the devil and wicked 
men. 20. Of Faith and Good Works, that this is true 
Faith, that we are heartily assured of every good, Grace 
and help from God, for Christ's sake, and that Faith with- 
out Works, such as God has commanded, is dead. And 
21. Of the Adoration of Saints, that we should expect all 
good from God, as the saints did, and that we should imi- 
tate their faith and love, but call upon God alone. 

Then, in the second part, follow the disputed articles : 
first, 22. Of the two kinds in Sacrament, why we distri- 
bute them to all. 23. Of mass, how it is observed among 
us, and why we have rejected secret masses. 24. Of 
priests, and the marriage of monks and nuns. 25. Of 
cloister vows. 26. Of difference of meats. 27. Of con- 
fession. 28. Of the power of the Bishops, and the differ- 
ence between the spiritual and temporal sword. These 
twenty-eight articles are discussed in a clear, simple, scrip- 
tural, and peaceful manner. No ingenuous mind could 



THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 101 

withhold its approbation from them. It is impossible to 
say what impression they made upon the Emperor. It is 
well known that he was not very well acquainted with the 
German language. Besides this, he no doubt had pre- 
viously also decided upon the course he would take. When 
the two copies were being handed to his secretary, he gra- 
ciously took them into his own hands. He gave the 
German copy to the Archbishop of Mentz, and kept the 
Latin one for himself, and caused it to be translated into 
Italian and French for himself. He intimated to the Lu- 
therans, that he would consider the matter further, but 
expected that they would not print the Confession. How- 
ever, their opponents soon circulated defective copies, so 
that the Lutherans were forced to publish the correct 
Confession. 

Luther was regularly informed of the progress of events. 
He indeed was deeply interested, and secretly, by the help 
of God's hand, ruled the Diet. As Moses prayed, and 
had his sinking arms supported during the battle between 
the Israelites and their enemies, so Luther prayed in his 
castle of Coburg. He who sitteth in the heavens alone 
knows what influence he exerted. It would have been well 
for Melanchthon had he possessed such strong faith, and 
such a mighty spirit of prayer. But he looked too much 
to men, their power and their craftiness. And for this he 
was rewarded by complaints and sighs, but he did not 
conceal his sorrows from his paternal friend in Coburg. 
Through this, Luther opened the depth and power of his 
faith, and permitted the flame to spread even to Augsburg, 
that Melanchthon' s heart might be encouraged. His pre- 
cious letters should be read at length in the history of his 
own life ; here we can only communicate extracts. June 
26th, he wrote : ''I heartily hate your great care, which, 
9* 



102 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

as you write, weakens you. That it increases so greatly 
in yonr heart, is not owing to the greatness of our cause, 
but is the fault of our great unbelief. Why do you thus 
unceasingly trouble yourself ? If our cause is wrong, let 
us recant ; but if it is right, why do we make God a liar in 
such great promises, because he bids us be of good cheer 
and satisfied ? You are troubled thus by your philosophy, 
and not by your theology. The same also greatly vexes 
your friend Joachim ; just as if you could accomplish any- 
thing by your useless cares. What more can the devil do 
than to kill us ?" On the same day, Melanchthon sent a 
dejected letter to Coburg: "We are here constantly in 
the greatest trouble, and shed tears continually, which has 
been aggravated by still greater distress to-day, when wo 
read M. Veit's letters, in which he informs us that you are 
so highly displeased with us that you would not even read 
our letters. My dear father, I do not wish to increase my 
sorrow by many words, but would only ask you to consider 
where and in what great danger we now are, having no 
other comfort but your own encouragement. The sophists 
and monks are running daily, and making every effort to 
excite the Emperor against us." He prays that Luther 
would read and answer his letters. On the following dajc 
already, June 27th, another letter from the afflicted one 
followed this. He says: "At no time have we stood in 
greater need of your advice and encouragement than at 
this time, as we have followed you, as our head, in the 
most dangerous cause up to the present time. Therefore, 
I also pray, for the sake of the honor of the Gospel, that 
you would take our part. Christ permitted himself to be 
awakened in the vessel when it was in danger. Now, 
truly, we are in still greater danger here, in which nothing 
worse could happen to us all than if you should forsake 



THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 103 

US." He also said: "I have written to you before, that 
you should inform me, if necessary, hoAV much we may 
yield to our adversaries." On the 29th of June an answer 
arrived from Coburg, in which, among other things, we 
read this : ''I have received your Apology, and I am won- 
dering what you mean, that you desire to know what and 
how much we may yield to the Papists ? According to 
my opinion, too much is already conceded to them in the 
Apology. If they will not accept this, I do not know 
w^hat I could yield further, unless I see their arguments 
and clearer Scripture than I have seen hitherto." He 
expressed himself most decidedly against being called 
"head," by Philip: "I wish to have no name, wish not 
to command, and do not wish to be called Author. You 
are troubled about the beginning and end of this matter, 
because you cannot understand it. But I say so much : 
If you could understand it, I should not like to have any- 
thing to do with the matter, much less would I be a head 
or beginner. God has set it in a place which you can 
neither reach by your rhetoric nor by your philosophy. 
That place is called Faith, in which are all things that we 
cannot see or understand. "Whoever wishes to make these 
things visible, open, and comprehensible, as you do, will 
get sorrow and weeping for his pains, even as you have 
against our will." As he was closing the letter, he re- 
flected that Melanchthon might think he had received little 
in reply to his question, what and how much should be 
conceded to their opponents. On this account he added 
this : '' You have not asked sufficiently, and have not 
clearly stated what you think they will ask of us. I am 
ready, as I have always written to you, to yield up every- 
thing to them, if they will only leave the Gospel free. But 
whatever opposes the Gospel I cannot allow. Yv^hat other 



104 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

answer can I give?" From sucli an apostolical faith, 
several other letters flowed to the friends in Augsburg, and 
particularly to Melanchthon, who truly needed such a mode 
of address more and more. 

After the Confession had been presented to the Emperor, 
different opinions were held by their enemies as to the 
course that must now be pursued. Faber, Campegius, and 
others of like stamp who endeavored to influence the Em- 
peror, insisted upon the execution of the Edict of Worms. 
Others wished the Confession to be examined by impartial 
men, whilst others again demanded a written refutation of 
the Confession. The last opinion prevailed. But at the 
same time it was also declared that the Emperor should 
decide in this matter, in default of which the whole 
should be postponed until the calling of a General Council. 
In regard to this latter point, Luther wrote to Melanchthon 
on the 9th of July: "You see that our cause is now in the 
same position as it was with me in Worms, namely, that 
they require us to accept the Emperor as Judge. Thus 
does the devil ever fiddle upon one string, and the old 
conjurer has nothing he can oppose to Christ but this 
single helpless weapon." Notwithstanding all these ex- 
hortations, Melanchthon was still anxiously engaged in 
finding a middle path. Thus he considered it advisable to 
write to Cardinal Campegius, in order to lead to thoughts 
of peace. He did not reflect that this man, although of a 
smooth exterior, was nevertheless a viper, swollen with 
venom. The crafty Roman endeavored to instil the most 
odious thoughts into the mind of the Emperor. This evil, 
he remarked, could be cured. The Emperor should unite 
himself with the well-meaning princes, and change the sen- 
timents of the others by promises or threats. But what is 
to be done if they remain obstinate ? We have the right 



THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 105 

to destroy these poisonous plants with fire and sword. If 
we have gained the mastery over them, we can appoint 
holy inquisitors, the University of Wittenberg can be ex- 
communicated, the books of the heretics can be burned, 
and the like. It was needful to strike a decisive blow in 
the beginning. 

With such a man, Melanchthon, of course without know- 
ing his true character, entered into negotiations. After 
an humble letter, Campegius sent for the Avriter. Let U3 
hear Yeit Winsheim, Melanchthon's friend and eulogist, 
relate the particulars of the interview: ''The day after, 
when the whole company was assembled, Philip was sum- 
moned, who enters with a firm mind. He saw himself sur- 
rounded by a circle of serpents and devils, and like the 
prophet Jonah, shaken alone in the belly of the whale. 
Campegius is importunate, and flourishes the terrible light- 
nings of his highly enraged and cruel Jupiter, the others 
vehemently threaten the poor and small flock of the help- 
less sheep of Christ with the power and force of so many 
kingdoms. It was enough to terrify even a strong and 
courageous man. But when Philip was asked whether 
they would yield, he replied : " We cannot yield nor for- 
sake the truth. But we pray for God's and Christ's sake 
that our adversaries will not think hardly of us, and will 
dispute with us, as they are able, ^. e., will yield that to us 
which we cannot forsake with a good conscience." When 
Campegius heard this, he shrieked : "I cannot, I cannot, 
because the key does not err." To this thundering, al- 
though Philip stood, as it were, in the midst of lions, wolves, 
and bears, who could have torn him in pieces without pun- 
ishment, yet having a great and glorious spirit in a little 
body, he now boldly replied : " We commend our cause to 
the Lord God. If God be for us, who can be against us ? 



106 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

And finally, come wliat will, we must abide by our fortune 
or misfortune." 

Melanchtbon had frequent interviews with the cardinal 
after this, especially, as the Protestant princes believed, 
that they might accomplish some good in this way. It is 
true, some have maintained, that Melanchthon was willing 
to agree to a base accommodation ; but this cannot be 
proved. However, this much is certain, that all mediations 
were ineffectual. How true is Luther's word in a letter to 
Melanchthon, on the 13th of July : " I should think, dear 
master Philip, that you have by this time sufficiently 
learned by your own experience, that Christ and Belial 
cannot be united by any means whatever, and that no 
unity in religion is to be thought of." 

While this was transpiring, the Catholic theologians were 
busily engaged with the task laid upon them by the Empe- 
ror, in refuting the Confession of the Protestants. He 
had recommended moderation to them, when the first 
draught had exhibited too great a violence. The Catholic 
theologians who were preparing the refutation, were Eck, 
Eaber, Wimpina, Cochlgeus, and others. The last one 
composed it. What good thing could be expected of these 
men ? Melanchthon therefore remarks, in a letter to 
Camcrarius : "I hear that their refutation is finished, and 
will make its appearance in two or three days. It is said 
that the Emperor will order all things to remain as they 
were, until these disputes shall be examined in a Council. 
This is to be the end. of the deliberations. And if this 
decree is not tempered, you may easily conceive what trou- 
bles will be the consequence." At last, after having 
awaited it for a long time, the princes and electors were 
summoned, on the 3d of August, to hear the Confutation 
of the Augsburg Confession. This document follows the 



THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 107 

same order as the Confession. It first treats of doctrines 
in 21 articles, and afterwards of abuses, in 7 articles. 
Although it acknowledged many things in doctrine, as 
agreeing with the Catholic church, it did not depart in the 
slightest degree from Roman principles, and strictly 
adhered to the abuses. In the article on Original Sin, it 
did not acknowledge the prevailing corruption ; and in the 
article of Good Works, it maintained that the good works 
which are performed by the help of Divine grace, are 
meritorious. It also refuses to allow that faith alone justi- 
fies. In the article on Repentance, it insists upon satis- 
faction which man is to pay, whilst the Confession excludes 
all human satisfaction. The Confutation likewise finds 
fault with the Lutherans, because they deny that we can 
by our works earn forgiveness of sins, and also because 
they reject the adoration of the saints. It is not willing 
to grant the cup to the laity, and defends this position with 
the most absurd reasons. It adheres to the celibacy of the 
priests and monks, and maintains the mass, with all its 
antiscriptural characteristics. In short, it will not cast 
aside any abuses. The Emperor really regarded this un- 
tenable production as a refutation of the Confession of the 
Protestants ; and gave these to understand that it was his 
will that they should compromise matters with the other 
Christian states, and should not separate themselves from 
the general Christian church. If this should not take 
place, which the Emperor did not expect, he should act as 
it became him, as the guardian and protector of the Holy 
Christian church, and as a true Christian Emperor. Me- 
lancththon speaks of this in a letter to Luther, August 
6th : " This was the sum and substance of it, which, al- 
though it seemed very harsh, yet, as the Confutation was 
executed in a very childish manner, our friends became 



108 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

quite cheerful after it was read ; for this Confutation is the 
paragon of all the childish and foolish writings of Faber. 
In speaking of the two kinds, he referred to the history of 
the sons of Eli, that they would ask the priests for a piece 
of bread, and proved from this that laymen should only 
receive the bread. The mass has been defended by parti- 
cularly bald and lame tricks." The Princes requested a 
copy of the Confutation after it had been read, but could 
not obtain it. Even if the Emperor had now been inclined 
to act severely, a quarrel arose in the midst of the Catholic 
camp, because they could not agree among themselves in 
regard to the steps that should now be taken. 

At last, the views of the more moderate prevailed, that 
a delegation should be appointed by both sides, in order to 
effect a compromise. On the 6th of August, several 
Catholic princes and bishops assembled to agree upon the 
points of convention. On the following day, the Elector 
Joachim, of Brandenburg, informed the Lutherans that 
they should drop their erroneous views, and no longer 
separate themselves from the Catholic Church. Even if 
there were some abuses, they might be done away with by 
the assistance of the Pope. And now ensued answers and 
replies in great number. The Lutherans would not enter- 
tain the yielding propositions of Melanchthon, who believed 
that unity in doctrine might be secured, and only wished 
to insist upon the two kinds — marriage of the priests, 
and the Evangelical mass. The Evangelical states de- 
clared that they did ;not intend to retreat from the word 
of God, although they were inclined to maintain peace and 
harmony. Philip, the Landgrave of Hesse, was not at all 
satisfied with this course of things. He was opposed to 
yielding in the slightest degree, and said to his counsellors, 
in a letter dated August 24th : ^' If the Papists wish to 



THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 109 

remain sitting in their devil's roses, and will not permit 
the pure preaching of the truth of the gospel, nor freedom 
of marriage, nor the Sacraments according to Christ's in- 
stitution, why then you shall not yield one hair's-breadth. 
Much less still are we to allow the jurisdiction of the 
bishops, because they do not permit the gospel to be 
preached nor practised in their dominions." And because 
he hated the yielding of Melanchthon, he added : '' Stop 
the game of that subtle philosoper, Philip !" 

Such were the sentiments of the Landgrave, and there- 
fore he could no longer contain himself in Augsburg, but 
suddenly and unexpectedly to all, left the city August 6. 
This excited great attention ; however, the proposed plan 
to bring about an accommodation by means of a committee 
of fourteen persons, including the Evangelical Theologians 
Melanchthon, Brenz, and Schnepf, and the Catholics Eck, 
Wimpina, and Cochlseus, was not prevented by it. They 
met together from the 16th of August until the 21st. On 
motion of Chancellor Vehus of Baden, the Augsburg 
Confession was examined, article after article. They agreed 
in many articles, but in Justification Eck would not admit 
that we are justified by faith alone, for that would make 
rude, wicked, and impious men. Love justifies more than 
Faith. Because he did not like the word sola^ which means 
" alone," he perpetrated the wretched witticism : " Let us 
for the present send the soles to the cobbler." However, 
he found Melanchthon a man who stood immovable in the 
main point. Whenever the two Theologians grew some- 
what passionate, the princes present entreated them to 
maintain peace. 

Although they agreed in many points of doctrine, there 
were others, such as Justification, Repentance, &c., in 
which they could not agree ; and when they came to the 
10 



110 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

abuses, their opponents would not allow the two kinds, the 
marriage of priests and the mass. There were in all 14 
points on which they could not unite. On August 22, 
Melanchthon wrote to Luther : " Yesterday we finished the 
Conference, or rather dispute, before the Commissionerg^^ 
After having referred to the opposition to Justification, 
satisfaction, the merit of good works, and the two kinds 
in the Sacrament, he thus concludes: ''I do not know 
where this will end ; for, although peace is also necessary 
to our enemies, yet it seems to me that some do not consi- 
der what great danger there will be, if this matter ends in 
war. We proposed very reasonable conditions ; we have 
given authority and jurisdiction to the Bishops, and have 
promised that we would re-establish the usual ceremonies. 
I do not know what we shall accomplish by it. Pray to 
Christ to preserve us." 

Luther was not satisfied with these compromises, and 
among other things replied thus : '' Summa Summarum, 
I do not like it at all that you are endeavoring to treat of 
Unity of doctrine, because this is entirely impossible, un- 
less the Pope is willing to abolish the entire papacy. It 
would have been sufficient for us to have shown the reasons 
of our faith, and to have demanded peace. But how can 
we hope to convert them to the truth ?" And concluded 
thus : " Why do we not perceive that all they are attempt- 
ing is mere deception and fraud ? For you are not able to 
say that their acts are prompted by the Holy Ghost ; for 
they have neither Repentance, Faith, nor the fear of God. 
But may the Lord, who began this matter, finish his work 
in you ; to him I heartily commend you." 

On the 24th of August, a sub-committee met, in which 
only Melanchthon and Eck were to meet each other. But 
upon this occasion Melanchthon took a bolder and more 



THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. Ill 

decided stand, and wrote to Luther on the following day: 
" Our mildness only makes these proud fellows more stub- 
born. I cannot tell you how they triumph. If I were 
attending to these matters on my account, and not in the 
name of the prince, I would by no means endure this in- 
solence. But now I must endure all, because of the com- 
mon danger of princes and subjects. The spirits of our 
friends are at times depressed, and again unseasonably 
brave. However, I trust we shall do nothing against the 
Gospel." He also sent two other letters, in which he 
spoke of the mass, which, the Papists demanded. Luther 
replied that they could not consent, and says in his letter 
of August 28, " Would to God that I might soon see you 
again, whether you had departed secretly or publicly. 
You have even done more than enough. And now it is 
time for the Lord to act in the matter, and he will do it. 
Be of good cheer, and trust in him." And further on : 
^' You have confessed Christ ; you have oflfered peace ; you 
have been obedient to the Emperor ; you have patiently 
borne much contempt ; have been overwhelmed with shame 
and abuse ; and have not returned evil for evil. Summa, 
you have managed this holy work in a proper manner, as 
it became saints. Bejoice in the Lord, and be joyous, ye 
righteous. You have been sad and afflicted long enough 
in this world ; look up, and lift up your heads ; I promise 
heaven to you, as faithful members of Christ. What 
greater honor do you desire ? Is it so small a matter to 
serve the Lord Jesus faithfully, and to have proved your- 
selves faithful members of Christ ? Far be it from us, 
that the Grace of Christ should be so lightly esteemed by 
you. I await your return with great anxiety, so that I 
may wipe away your sweat after this." 

All these efforts, as might have been foreseen, did not 



112 LIFE OF MELANCHTnON. 

effect peace, so that the committee adjourned August 30, 
and Melanchthon wrote to Luther September 1 : " Three 
days ago we brought our Conference to a conclusion. We 
would not accept the proposed terms of Union on the 
subjects of the one kind in the Sacrament, of the Canon 
of Private Masses, and also of the Celibacy of the Priest- 
hood. Now the matter has again been laid before the 
Emperor, and I do not know what will be done. Let us 
only pray Grod that he may influence the heart of the Em- 
peror to maintain peace, which we need so much, and not 
we alone, but all Germany. You cannot believe how the 
Nurembergers and others hate me on account of the resto- 
ration of Jurisdiction to the Bishops. In this manner do 
our friends merely contend for power, and not for the 
Gospel. A certain friend wrote : If the Pope had bribed 
me with never so much money, I could not have invented 
a better plan to restore the papal supremacy than the one 
we have taken appears to the people. Yet I have not, up 
to this time, dropped or given up a single article of doc- 
trine." 

Although Melanchthon did really not give up a single 
doctrinal point, he was yet justly to be blamed for wishing 
to restore jurisdiction to the Bishops. How soon would 
they have suppressed the true doctrine ! Jerome Baum- 
gartner, otherwise a friend of Melanchthon, expresses him- 
self very strongly in regard to him : '' Philippus has be- 
come more childish than a child ;" and calls upon Spengler : 
"" You will do your part, and write to Dr. Martin Luther, 
that he, as the one by whom God first again revealed his 
word to the world, should put a stop to Philip's course, 
and should warn the pious princes, and especially his own 
sovereign, against him, and exhort them to be steadfast. 
Eor no man has done more harm to the Gospel during this 



THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 113 

Diet, up to the present day, than Philip." This judgment 
is indeed too severe ; and Baumgartner, at a later period, 
himself repented of having formed so severe a judgment. 
It is true, also, that Melanchthon did not only defend 
Episcopal jurisdiction during the Diet of Augsburg, but 
has also expressed his approbation of it in a number of 
places. He did this for the sake of order in the Church. 

September 7. — The Emperor summoned the Evangelical 
States to appear before him. His answer, given by the 
Elector of the Palatinate, Frederick, was an ungracious 
one. He had heard with displeasure that they disagreed 
with others in the principal articles. He Avould speak 
with the Pope in regard to a General Council, yet on the 
condition that they would, in the mean time, adhere to the 
Catholic Church. But the Protestants now behaved like 
true Protestants, by declaring that they would abide by 
the word of God. The more moderate Catholics, at the 
head of whom were the Baron of Truchsess, and Yehus, 
the Chancellor of Baden, once more made efforts to bring 
about an accommodation, but without success. There 
were thirteen articles on which they could not unite. These 
were delivered to the mediators just mentioned. The fif'st 
treats of justification through grace by faith in Christ; the 
second, that works indeed are necessary, but do not earn 
grace. The third declares that the enumeration of parti- 
cular sins is not needful in confession ; the fourth, that 
repentance is necessary, but that our sins are not forgiven 
on this account, but on account of our faith, by which we 
believe the Gospel ; the fifth, declares the ecclesiastical 
exercises of penance unnecessary for the remission of pun- 
ishment ; and the sixth declares that uniform human ordi- 
nances are not, but unity in doctrine and sacrament are 
needful to constitute a true unity. The seventh rejects the 
10* 



114 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

self-elected service of God, by which men wish to earn his 
grace, and which has been established without God's com- 
mand. The eighth declares monastic vows, which men 
consider meritorious, opposed to the Gospel. The nintJi 
permits the observance of such rules of the Church as may 
be kept without sin, but not as if they were needful to sal- 
vation. The teiith declares the invocation of saints to be 
a very dangerous practice, and one greatly diminishing the 
glory of Christ. The eleventh declares that the denial of 
the cup is opposed to Scripture ; and the twelfth, that the 
prohibition of marriage to priests is also unscriptural. The 
thirteenth and last article maintains that the mass is not a 
work with which to earn grace, but that grace is offered in 
the Lord's Supper, and faith obtains it. 

After all attempts to bring about an agreement had 
been made, the Emperor summoned the States on the 22d 
of September, in order to present to them the final decree 
of the Diet. He declared their positions thoroughly re- 
futed by the holy Gospels and other writings, but would 
give time for further deliberation on the contested points 
until the 15th of April of the following year. During this 
time they should not print or sell anything new in matters 
of faith, should not draw over any one to join their sect, 
should not oppress those yet holding to the old Christian 
faith and practice, and unite with him in opposing the 
Sacramentarians and Anabaptists. He would endeavor to 
bring about that a General Council would be summoned in 
six months. The Pro'testants replied, by Chancellor Briick, 
that they considered their Confession to be founded on the 
word of God, and that it was divine truth, so that they 
trusted to abide by it in the day of judgment. At the 
same time, Briick also presented a written defence, which 
the Emperor, however, would not accept. This was the 



THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 115 

well-known Apology of tlie Augsburg Confession, in its 
rough draft. Melanchthon had been preparing it for some 
time, with the assistance of several theologians. But as 
he only received a copy of the Catholic Confutation towards 
the close of the Diet, he laid this sketch aside, and pre- 
pared one of his ablest works, the Apology of the Augsburg 
Confession^ which has justly been enrolled among the 
number of the Confessions of the Lutheran Church. He 
did not, however, complete it until the following year. The 
Protestants prayed for a more gracious discharge, but the 
Emperor adhered firmly to the decree. On this account, 
the Elector of Saxony, together with Melanchthon and the 
other theologians, departed from Augsburg September 
23d, leaving a few counsellors to hear the general final de- 
cree of the Diet. 

When Luther heard of the departure of the Elector, 
he was much rejoiced, and congratulated the prince : "I 
am heartily rejoiced that your Electoral Grace has, by 
God's grace, escaped from the hell at Augsburg. And 
although human displeasure, and its god the devil, may 
look sour, we still entertain the hope that God's grace, 
which hath begun with us, will remain more strongly with 
us in time to come." The Elector passed through Nurem- 
berg to Coburg, where Luther was expecting him with the 
greatest anxiety. On the road to Wittenberg, the theo- 
logians stopped in Altenburg, to visit Spalatin. Me- 
lanchthon, who was constantly revolving his Apology of 
the Augsburg Confession in his mind, wrote even while 
partaking of his meals. But Luther snatched the pen from 
his hand, and said: "We can serve God, not only by labor, 
but also by rest ; therefore, too, has he given us the third 
commandmeDt, and ordained the Sabbath." At last they 
arrived in Wittenberg How Melanchthon rejoiced ! To 



116 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

his friend Silberborner, who had asked him for an account 
of the Diet of Augsburg, he now wrote a detailed letter, 
in which he expressed himself favorably of the Emperor, 
e. g.: '' Without referring to other matters, he has with 
great condescension heard our side in this matter of reli- 
gion, in which he had been excited against us by the many 
wonderful arts of our enemies." '' The remaining history 
of the Diet constitutes a lengthy tragedy." He now briefly 
describes the course of events, and says : "• The remotest 
posterity will bear testimony, that our intentions were pious 
and conscientious, and that we exerted ourselves honestly 
to clear up the doctrine of the Catholic Church, and to 
promote the glory of Christ. This truly is the reasonable 
service of God, with which he is pleased above all things : 
To teach and practise the word of God in its purity. Even 
should we be overwhelmed by unfair means, our writings 
will undoubtedly transmit to posterity a picture of our 
opponents, who, while they excite princes against us, under 
the pretext of serving the honor of Christ, neither care for 
the temple of the Church, nor for the doctrine of the Gos- 
pel, nor for the Glorification of the name of Christ. How- 
ever, the whole matter is in the hand of God. Therefore 
will we pray to God that, for Christ's sake, he would put 
mild means in the hands of our rulers, and that he may 
not suffer the pure doctrines of the Gospel to perish." 

On the 19th of November, the final general decree of 
the Diet was published. It was very severe, for it con- 
demned everything taught by the Lutherans in opposition 
to the Roman Church ; it confounds them with the Ana- 
baptists, and commands that all innovations in doctrine 
and practice shall be abolished, and the former state of 
things re-established. The Protestants did not sign it. 
Thus a division between the Catholic and Evangelical states 
was fully accomplished. 



POSITION OF THE EVANGELICAL PARTY. 117 



CHAPTER XII. 

THE POSITION OF THE EVANGELICAL PARTY AFTER THE 
DIET OF AUGSBURG. 

The severe decree of the Diet, wliicli even threatened 
violence, was at least productive of this good result, that 
it united the Evangelical party more closely. Whereas 
the theologians, especially Melanchthon, had formerly dis- 
suaded from resistance to the Emperor, matters now took 
a very different turn. In view of the threatening attitude 
of the Catholics, the theologians perceived very well that 
it was necessary to be prepared for defence ; and Melanch- 
thon wrote to Camerarius, January 1st, 1531, that they 
were seldom asked the question now, whether it was right 
to wage war, and that they did not dissuade from prepara- 
tion. " For there may be many needful and just causes 
for defence." One of these causes was the threatening 
language of the decree of the Diet of Augsburg. The 
election of the Emperor's brother Ferdinand, as King of 
Rome, which was strongly urged and accomplished by the 
Emperor, was another threatening event,* although Me- 
lanchthon defended it in a special opinion, delivered 
December 12, 1530. He referred to similar cases in for- 
mer times. During the month of December of this year, 
the Evangelical states united more closely, and formed a 

'■^ The election of Ferdinand as King of Kome, Tvas regarded as 
an artful proceeding of his brother, the Emperor, for the purpose of 
rendering the imperial crown hereditary in his family, and conse- 
quently, subversive of the liberties of the empire. — Cox. 



118 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

league, Marcli 29, 1531. Both Conferences were held in 
Smalkald. The confederates declared that they had 
united " for the honor of Almighty God, and the better 
growth and prosperity of divine free doctrines, and to gain 
and maintain a Christian and harmonious peace," yet ''only 
for mutual defence and preservation." This league, there- 
fore, neither contemplated an attack, nor war. The Em- 
peror, who was obliged to have his eyes directed to more 
than one point, and particularly against the Turks, whose 
Sultan, SoLYMAN, had already declared that he would soon 
be master of Hungary, and the whole of Germany, consi- 
dered it most advisable to conciliate, under existing cir- 
cumstances. The Electors of the Palatinate and of Mentz, 
acted as mediators. 

While Melanchthon had before this time been filled with 
the most anxious apprehensions, so that he feared the 
worst, he now said in a letter to Camerarius, when he 
heard of this mediation : " May God regard the sighs and 
tears of the distressed among us, and grant us peace !" 
This wish seemed about to be fulfilled, when the Emperor 
in Nuremberg made preparations for a Religious Peace. 
Melanchthon, Luther, and other Theologians, expressed 
their approbation in a written opinion. 

On July 23, 1532, the so-called Religious Peace of 
Nuremherg was actually agreed to, according to which no 
State was to give offence to any other, on account of Reli- 
gion or other matters, until the meeting of a Council, soon 
to be held ; and " that each was to treat the other with 
true friendship and Christian love." At last a period of 
rest seemed to have been granted to Melanchthon, that 
child of peace ; but it was not to continue very long. For 
it was no slight pang to his heart to be called with Luther 
to Schweinitz, to the death-bed of the Elector John. The 



POSITION OF THE EVANGELICAL PARTY. 119 

Elector had gone thither to hunt. On the 15th of August 
he was suddenly attacked by such a severe pain in his 
head, that he soon lost the power of speech, and remained 
motionless, and deprived of all sense and feeling, for 28 
hours. On Friday, these two men of God, accompanied 
by Dr. Augustin Schurff, appeared by his bedside ; the 
Elector raised both hands and dropped them again, and 
breathed his last. On the following Sunday the body of 
the pious Elector was deposited by the side of that of his 
brother Frederick. Melanchthon had, in a very touching 
manner, invited the University to attend the funeral. He 
said in this letter : '^ that the departed manifested a truly 
paternal affection towards his subjects." After Luther's 
consoling funeral sermon, Melanchthon spoke of the ex- 
cellent traits of the sainted one in Latin. In his letters, 
written at this time, he expresses the most cordial wishes 
in regard to the successor of the departed one, the Elector 
John Frederick. "We have heard of this son, that he 
trod in the footsteps of his father. He was a man full of 
zeal for the cause of the Kingdom of God, and, as we 
shall learn hereafter, honored by the Lord to endure con- 
tempt, the robbing of his Electorate, and fetters, for the 
sake of the Gospel. But he at this time already found 
opportunity to show the strength of his faith. The Reli- 
gious Peace of Nuremberg seemed lenient, and even favor- 
able to the Protestants, compared with the final decree of 
the Diet of Augsburg. It was but too soon apparent that 
the Catholic States, who had very unwillingly yielded to 
these concessions, were not pleased with it. For at the 
Diet of Ratisbon, which was held soon after the Nurem- 
berg Religious Peace, they already wished to grant less to 
the Evangelical party. Notwithstanding all the assurances 
of peace, the Emperor entertained no good intentions to- 



120 LIFE OF MELANCHTHOM. 

"wards them. He only postponed matters on account of 
the perplexing circumstances by which he was surrounded. 
They were again referred to a general, free, Christian 
Council, which, according to the announcement, should be 
held in half a year. 

It appears, that in the following year, 1533, Pope Cle- 
mens VII. actually took steps towards assembling a Council. 
For in June he sent a legate, accompanied by an Imperial 
orator, to the Elector, who then resided in Weimar. Al- 
though the Papal Nuncio spoke of a free, general Council, 
he at the same time took away all liberty with the other 
hand, by demanding in advance that all should submit to 
the resolutions of the Council. On the following day the 
Elector returned a truly Christian and princely answer. 
He expressed his joy at this offer, but remarked that he 
could only give a reply after the next meeting in Smalkald. 
In conclusion, he confessed that his contemporaries and 
successors should learn : ^' That his Electoral Grace had 
not hitherto regarded, and with the help of God would not 
in all the future days of his life regard anything as being 
more valuable and worthy of his love, than the pure, saving 
and blessed word of God, and the true and proper worship 
of God." The Elector now gathered the opinions of his 
Theologians, who indeed advised the acceptance of the 
offer of a Council, but under this condition that no pledge 
of obedience should be required in advance. In the middle 
of June, Melanchthon declared himself to the following 
purpose : " The Pope says, that he would hold a Council, 
such as have been held in the Church before. Now Councils 
at the present time are not conducted as the ancient Coun- 
cils were. For in the ancient Councils they judged accord- 
ing to the word of God." This advice was not forgotten 
by the Elector, who, together with Duke Ernest and the 



POSITION OF TUB EVANGELICAL PARTY. 121 

Landgrave Philip, delivered an answer to the Nuncio of 
the Pope and Emperor on the 30th of June, 1533. Of 
course the Pope, who was merely dissembling, suffered the 
matter to remain as it was. 

While the Evangelical party was held in an attitude of 
suspense, they could still cultivate and spread the cause 
of the Lord. It increased in popularity, and spread more 
and more. The Reformers, and Melanchthon particularly, 
did not omit to labor in their official capacity and by their 
writings. The Apology of the Augsburg Confession, al- 
ready mentioned, is one of Philip's master-pieces ; and as 
one of the Confessions of our Church, deserves to be stu- 
died and taken to heart. He concludes its Preface in the 
following words : '^ We have, thanks be unto God ! the tes- 
timony of many distinguished, honest, sincere, and pious 
persons, who heartily thank God for his unspeakable gifts 
and mercies, that they have received far more correct, cer- 
tain and clearer instruction in the most needful portions 
of the entire Scriptures, as well as consolation for their 
consciences, than is to be found in all the books of our ad- 
versaries. Therefore, should this discovered, clear truth 
be trodden under the feet of men, we commend our cause 
to Christ and God in heaven, who is the Father of widows 
and orphans, and the Judge of all the forsaken ; he, we 
know with certainty, will consider this matter, and judge 
righteously ; and thou. Lord Jesus, it is thy holy Gospel, 
it is thy cause : wilt thou regard so many troubled hearts 
and consciences, thy churches and little flocks, which suffer 
terror and distress from the devil, and also preserve and 
establish thy truth ? Bring to nought all hypocrisy and lies, 
and thus give peace and unity, that thy honor may advance, 
and thy kingdom may flourish and increase without ceasing 
against the gates of hell," 
11 



122 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

In September, 1532, lie published a new edition of his 
explanation of the Epistle to the Romans. It is a matter 
of great surprise that he dedicated this volume to Arch- 
bishop Albert of Mentz, who had not gained much honor 
in the matter of indulgences. This man is reported to 
have trampled the book beneath his feet, and to have said : 
" The man is possessed bj St. Valentine." But it is well 
known that he sent a very costly present to the scholar at 
Wittenberg, for which Melanchthon, who regarded it as 
sincere, returned his most friendly thanks January 5th, 
1533. He enjoyed so great a reputation as a scholar, that 
even the Archbishop of Mentz, who wished to be considered 
a patron of the arts and sciences, saw himself compelled to 
do honor to Melanchthon. His distinguished reputation 
elicited repeated invitations from abroad. It was, no 
doubt, not a very difficult matter for him to decline a call to 
Poland, in the year 1534 ; but it must have been difficult 
when Duke Ulrich of Wiirtemberg, who had been banished 
from his dukedom for a long time, but had now regained it 
by the help of the landgrave Philip of Hesse, invited Me- 
lanchthon to reform the University of Tiibingen according 
to the principles of the Reformation. But his attachment 
to Saxony, and his field of labor there, was so great, that 
he declined this call from Wiirtemberg. The Elector was 
so highly pleased with this, that he himself wrote a letter 
to his Professor, praising him for his fidelity, and assuring 
him of his favor. 



4i 



KINGS OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND. 123 



CHAPTER XIII. 

THE KINGS OF FrvANCE AND ENGLAND, AND MELANCHTHON. 

The reigning King of France, Francis L, as well as 
King Henry VIIL, of England, were little pleased with 
the victorious advances of the Emperor. Francis had 
waged war against him some years before this, but was 
completely vanquished, and taken prisoner, at the battle 
of Pavia, 1525. He was, indeed, liberated upon certain 
conditions, after one year of captivity ; but inveterate en- 
mity remained, for Francis had suffered great losses. It 
was to be expected that such a man would unite with the 
enemies of the Emperor at the first good opportunity. He 
recognized an ally in the League of Smalkald, which was 
daily assuming a more decided form. But the principles 
of this League were quite different, for it aimed principally 
to secure spiritual rights, while the King of France was 
merely prompted by ambition. 

But the Reformation had also penetrated into France, 
and he may have thought that it would be expedient to do 
something in reference to ecclesiastical matters. He was 
persuaded to this by his minister, William Bellay, his bro- 
ther John Bellay, Bishop of Paris, and particularly also 
by John Sturm, of Strasburg, who was favorably disposed 
towards the Reformation. These men endeavored to gain 
over the King for the cause of the Reformation, and re- 
commended the amiable Melanchthon to him, who was al- 
ready known to him, and also highly esteemed by Queen 



124 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

Margaret of Navarre.* When the King sent an ambas- 
sador, Earnabas Vorseus Fossa, to Germany, in 1534, in 
order to unite with the Evangelical States, Bellay, the 
minister, requested the man of peace, Melanchthon, to 
state, in a written opinion, in what way a union might be 
brought about between the divided parties. He complied 
with this request, and on the first of August sent a very con- 
ciliatory opinion to the minister, in which he gave promi- 
nence to eight articles. In the first, he grants outward 
power to the Pope and the Bishops, provided ^'they do 
not abuse their power to suppress the true doctrine." In 
the second, that it would be easy to agree about non-essen- 
tials, such as meats, holidays, dress of the priests, and 
similar ceremonies, provided there would be uniformity in 
doctrine. In the third, he expresses himself in favor of 
retaining Confession, but without the superstitious enume- 
ration of sins. In the fourth, he treats of Justification. 
It is now generally conceded that faith in Christ is neces- 
sary. It is necessary to insist upon it, that a man is justi- 
fied by faith. In the fifth, he speaks of the Mass. This 
is an almost inextricable knot. He declares himxself op- 
posed to secret masses, and demands both kinds in the 
Sacrament. In the sixth, he speaks of the Invocation of 
Saints. This is opposed to Scripture. Yet he proposes 
the following form, after the pattern of ancient forms in 
the Church : " Grant, God, that they may be assisted 

* Maimbourg relates; that Queen Margaret of Navarre, sister of 
Francis L, united with other illustrious females attached to the 
Court, who cherished sentiments favorable to the Reformation, to 
request that he might be invited for the purpose of consultation on 
existing disputes in religion. The Queen frequently spoke of him 
to her brother as a man of exalted piety, profound learning, and sin- 
gular eloquence. — Cox. 



KINGS OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND. 125 

by the prayers of the Saints." In the seventh^ he says of 
Convents^ that it is not necessary utterly to destroy them, 
but that it was rather to be preferred that they should 
become schools, as they formerly were. Yet no one ought 
to be detained in a convent against his will. In reference 
to the Celibacy of the clergy, he says, in the eighth^ that 
the Pope ought to abolish it. They might select unmar- 
ried men for the highest dignities. It would be possible to 
come to an agreement on all the articles, with the excep- 
tion of the one on the Mass. After adding : '^ Let us be- 
seech Christ, that he would in mercy regard and lead back 
to a cordial true unity, the Church for which he prayed 
and suffered," he says, that he had only written these 
things, in order that learned men might jointly deliberate 
upon such important matters. 

It was a long time before anything was heard of the 
effect of this Opinion. However, at last, in the month of 
March, 1535, John Sturm broke this silence in a manner 
not very agreeable to the friends of the Reformation. The 
king was highly incensed against the friends of these 
novelties, who seemed to him to check a too rapid advance. 
He even permitted his rage to lead him to burn several of 
them.* Very little could be hoped for the kingdom of 

* Some Parisians, who had imbibed the principles of Protestant- 
ism, indiscreetly posted up hand-bills in several of the public places, 
and on the gates of the Louvre, containing reflections on the doc- 
trines, rites, and clergy of the Church of Rome. The king, being 
highly incensed at these proceedings, issued a general order against 
heretics, and appointed a solemn procession. The holy host was 
carried through the city, the king walked with his feet bare, and his 
head uncovered, attended by the queen, the princes of the blood, 
and all his courtiers. Sis Lutherans were publicly condemned by 
the parliament to be burnt ; a decree which was executed with the 
most shocking barbarity before the procession was finished, and 
11* 



126 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

God, from a man of this character. However, Sturm 
strongly urged Melanchthon to come to France, because 
the king reposed the greatest confidence in him, and called 
himself his pupil. On the 22d of April, Melanchthon 
wrote a suppliant letter to Bishop Bellay, that he would 
exert his influence to arrest the persecution. In his reply 
to Sturm, on May 4th, he said that he had never found it 
more difficult to decide in any matter, than in reference to 
this journey to France. " But you must not think that I 
am restrained by domestic ties, or that I fear any danger. 
For nothing human is so important in my eyes, that I 
would not prefer the honor of Christ, the salvation of so 
many of the righteous, and the peace of the Church, to it. 
But I am thinking of, and exceedingly troubled by this one 
apprehension, that I am doubtful whether I would indeed 
accomplish any good by going." At the close of the letter, 
he advises that the king, if he desired to do anything 
for the honor of Christ, and the peace of the Church, 
should be earnestly entreated to convene a council, in 
order to discuss the afiairs of the Church. He would 
attend this, provided he could obtain the permission of his 
sovereign. But what happened ? What, indeed, he did 
not think of in the remotest degree. The king addressed 
him in a most friendly letter, on June 23. The French 
Ambassador delivered this letter in person, which closes 
in the following manner: "Your coming will give me great 
pleasure, whether you come as a private individual, or in 
the name of the Evangelical states." At the same time 
Bellay, who had been made a Cardinal in the meantime, " 
and Sturm, pressed him to come, and gave him the 
strongest assurances of a happy result. The latter con- 
others were sought after with the most eager diligence. — Sleid. 
Dupin. Belcar. in Cox. 



KINGS OP FRANCE AND ENGLAND. 127 

eluded his lengthy letter in the following manner: "I 
exhort, yea, I conjure you, in the name of Christ, not to 
neglect this opportunity to further the best of causes 
among men." Towards the end of the month of July, 
Melanchthon left Wittenberg on account of the appearance 
of the plague, and with some other teachers resided in 
Jena, until the middle of February. When he had re- 
ceived such a pressing invitation to come to France, and 
also a safe-conduct, he proceeded to Torgau, where the 
Elector was sojourning at the time, and in writing applied 
for leave of absence for two or three months. Luther also 
seconded Master Philip's application, by a most earnest 
petition. He said : " May it please your Grace to permit 
M. Philip to venture for these three months, trusting to 
the grace of God. Who knows what it may please God 
to do, whose thoughts are at all times higher and better 
than our own ? As for myself, too, it would pain me that 
so many pious hearts, who so anxiously call, and certainly 
expect M. Philip, should be disappointed, and might also 
be led to entertain evil thoughts concerning us." But the 
Elector was of a different opinion. He understood King 
Francis' relation to the Emperor at this time, far too well, 
to be anxious unnecessarily to excite the suspicions of the 
latter against himself. He therefore refused the request 
of his petitioner. Perhaps he also entertained the opinion, 
not altogether without foundation too, that Melanchthon 
might yield too much, "which would displease many, and 
do great harm to the Gospel." He said to Dr. Briick, in 
the most positive manner : " We are determined, once 
for all, that Philip shall not go with our permission and 
good will, even if we should, in consequence, lose his ser- 
vices altogether." 

When Melanchthon, therefore, applied again for leave, 



128 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

a severe decree of tlie Elector was handed to him, in which 
he was told that he should not, as a good subject, have 
meddled in this matter, without the knowledge of the 
Elector. No good, but rather evil, was to be expected 
from such a journey. '' But if, over and above all these 
considerations, you think that you cannot omit this journey 
conscientiously, we must in such a case suffer you to take 
your own way, and to gratify your own will ; and it re- 
mains for you to decide what you will do under these 
circumstances." The Elector also sent a letter of apology 
to King Francis, stating why he could not, under present 
circumstances, permit Philip to go. But at some future 
time, if Philip's services could be dispensed with, and the 
present difficulties and apprehensions should cease, he 
would permit him to visit France. 

On the 28th of August, Melanchthon himself wrote to 
King Francis, expressing his regrets that he was not per- 
mitted to visit France at this time, and praying the King 
most earnestly not to suffer himself to be led, by the se- 
vere judgments and writings of some persons, to destroy 
things that were really good and useful for the Church. 
He also excused himself in letters to Bellay the Minister, 
and to John Sturm, and expressed himself in rather 
strong terms in regard to the Elector. To Camerarius, to 
whom he was in the habit of opening his whole heart, he 
wrote, August 31, that he feared that the prince had been 
estranged from him by the efforts of evil-minded persons ; 
and in a letter to Spalatin, he said : " His most serene 
Highness prevents me from taking a journey to France. 
And besides this, he gave me a very severe reply, although 
I am willing to stay at home, and take no delight in these 
French Conferences." This caused him great sorrow for 
several weeks, until he met the Elector in October, and 



KINGS OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND. 129 

saw that he was as friendly towards him as ever. He was 
also more and more convinced in his own mind that his 
journey to France would not have accomplished the good 
he expected. Francis was a politician, and he merely re- 
garded religion as a means to gratify his ambition. For 
when the Sorbonne in Paris pronounced Melanchthon's 
opinion heretical, he fully agreed with this sentence. 

Thus this matter terminated. The case of Henry VIII. 
of England was a similar one. He is well known on ac- 
count of his attack upon Luther, for which the Pope gave 
him the title of "A Defender of the Faith." It is also 
well known what a scandalous, adulterous life he led. It 
was such a marriage matter which at this time separated 
him from Ilom.e, and brought him nearer to the Evangelical 
States. He wished to be divorced from his wife Catharine, 
who was an aunt of the Emperor Charles. As the Pope 
would not comply with his request, Henry renounced all 
allegiance to the Pope, and proclaimed himself the Su- 
preme Bishop of the Church of England. This happened 
in the year 1534. We learn from a letter to Camerarius, 
that during this year Henry had invited Melanchthon 
twice to come to England. The King was anxious to 
settle his matrimonial matters, and to enter into a union 
with the Evangelical States. He therefore sent a special 
envoy, Anthony Barnes, who came to Wittenberg March 
11, 1535, to enter into a negotiation. Melanchthon, who 
believed that he could and should embrace this opportunity 
to recommend and promote the truth, wrote to the King 
two days after this, in which he most earnestly commends 
the cause of the Gospel to him. He even dedicated the 
second edition of his Loci Communes to the King, in a 
most winning letter. Henry esteemed this honor highly, 
and sent him 200 gold florins, with a very gracious letter, 



130 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

in wliicli he calls Melanchthon his "dearest friend," and 
signs himself: "Your friend Henry, King." In Septem- 
ber we again find Dr. Barnes in Wittenberg. In the 
matter of divorce he had not found the Wittenbergians 
favorably disposed. But now he also came to negotiate 
concerning doctrine, and to ask leave of absence for Me- 
lanchthon, that he might visit England. The Elector, 
whose sagacity in this matter cannot be denied, under- 
stood very well that Henry was merely anxious to unite 
with the Evangelical party from impure motives, particu- 
larly his matrimonial matters ; and therefore in his letter 
to the English envoy gave his permission to hold a Reli- 
gious Conference, but did not permit Melanchthon to go 
to England, because he could not spare this Professor, 
owing to the breaking out of the plague in Wittenberg, by 
which the Professors had been dispersed. In December, 
the religious negotiations were commenced with the utmost 
zeal. Besides Barnes, Bishop Fox, and Archdeacon 
Heyth or Hethe, had also arrived. These negotiations 
were carried on in Wittenberg. On this account Melanch- 
thon, who then resided at Jena, was obliged to go to Wit- 
tenberg, January 15, 1536. The marriage difficulty con- 
tinued to occupy the foreground, but the Wittenbergians 
would not accommodate themselves to the views of the 
Englishmen. As to doctrine, the articles of the mass and 
the marriage of priests continued to be the points on which 
they could not agree. February 11th, Melanchthon re- 
turned to Wittenberg.- The negotiations were continued 
until the end of April, without arriving at any definite 
result. But gradually all hopes of an Evangelical change 
of doctrine and worship in England disappeared, and Me- 
lanchthon entirely relinquished his desire to visit England, 
as he says to Camerarius in a letter, June 9 : " I am per- 
fectly freed from my anxiety about that English journey." 



WITTENBERG FORM OF CONCORD. 131 



CHAPTER Xiy. 

THE WITTENBERG FORM OF CONCORD. 

We have already mentioned that the division of the 
Evangelical party, in the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, 
was not beneficial to the good cause of the Reformation. 
On this account, the Landgrave Philip of Hesse had made 
an earnest efi"ort to bring about a union between the Ger- 
mans and the Swiss in Marburg. He did not relinquish 
his hope of such a union, and made efi'orts to effect it at 
the Diet of Augsburg. One of the ablest divines of this 
period was the preacher and professor, Martin Bucer of 
Strasburg, born in Schlettstadt in Alsace, in the year 
1491, and gained over to the side of the Gospel in the year 
1518, by means of Luther's Discussion in Heidelberg. 
This man made it the task of his life to bring about a 
union in the doctrine of the Sacrament. For this purpose 
he had visited Luther in Coburg as early as 1530, and had 
found him inclined to union. Soon after, he published a 
confession of the four upper German cities, Augsburg, 
Constance, Lindau, and Memmingen, in which he closely 
approximated the Lutheran doctrine of the Lord's Supper. 
Luther and Melanchthon were highly pleased with this, 
and the latter wrote to Bucer, January 22d, 1531, that he 
would write to him, although he was troubled by a fever 
at the time. *' I saw the grounds of your union, and 
greatly rejoiced that you admit a presence of the body of 
Christ with the soul. But I do not see why you are so 



132 LIFE OF MELANCnTHON. 

strongly opposed to admit a presence witli the sign 
also." Luther expressed himself to the same purpose, 
and was very much surprised that Bucer represented 
Zwingli and Oecolampadius as holding the same view. He, 
therefore, expressed himself in favor of a postponement of 
the Form of Concord, although he confessed that he would 
rather lose his life thrice, if this dispute could be settled. 
It seems that Bucer said in several places that the differ- 
ences which had hitherto prevented a union were mere 
trifles. Luther, therefore, in a letter to the town council of 
Augsburg in 1533, declared that he did not agree with the 
ministers there, who only presented mere bread and wine 
to the people. In a letter of the year 1534, " To a good 
friend concerning his book of secret masses," he expressly 
declares : "I believe, and do not doubt, that in the Lord's 
Supper, under the form of bread is the true body of Christ 
given for us to the cross ; under the form of wine is the 
true blood of Christ shed for us, and that this body and 
blood of the Son of God, Jesus Christ, is not only received 
by the holy and worthy, but that sinners and unworthy 
persons truly receive it in a bodily manner." But Bucer 
did not give up his efforts to bring about a union on this 
account, and especially endeavored to gain over Melanch- 
thon, who, in a letter of October 10th, 1533, assures him 
of his love, and promises to use his utmost endeavors to 
bring about such a union. In September, 1534, the inde- 
fatigable Bucer published a Form of Concord. On the 
16th of September, Melanchthon wrote to Erhard Schnepf 
and the Landgrave Philip, who was deeply interested in 
this matter, that he had spoken of this Form with Luther 
that very day ; and that he was satisfied with it, provided 
Bucer believed what his words expressed. For Bucer con- 
fesses that, in the reception of the bread and wine, Christ 



WITTENBERG FORM OF CONCORD. 133 

is truly and essentially present. Melanclitlion adds, '' I 
would not require more." He relied much upon the Land- 
grave in this matter, exhorted him to act promptly, and 
added concerning himself: ''All that I am able to do, in 
order to bring about a Christian unity, I am willing to do 
with all my heart, and know of no more agreeable task in 
the world. May God add his blessing !" The Landgrave 
was now anxious that Bucer and Melanchthon should meet 
in Cassel. Luther agreed to this, although he did not en- 
tertain great expectations of the result of such a meeting, 
and gave written instructions to Melanchthon, pointing out 
the basis upon which a union might be established. This 
document contains seven propositions : one of which de- 
mands, that it should not be said that they had not under- 
stood each other before ; and another, that no middle 
meaning should be invented, as if, for instance, the oppo- 
nents should say the true body of Christ is present, and 
the Lutherans should say that nothing is eaten but the 
bread. Luther said in this matter : " God is my witness, 
that if it were possible, I would gladly give my body and 
blood to put away this disunion." He here expressed 
himself in a very conciliatory and tolerating manner to- 
wards those who entertained different views of the Lord's 
Supper, and concluded with a decided confession concern- 
ing the Lord's Supper, that the body of Christ is truly 
eaten in and with the bread. Melanchthon also at this 
time expressed his views of this important doctrine to the 
Landgrave, and in it declares : '' That the body and blood 
of Christ, that is, Christ essentially, and not figuratively, 
are ti'uly in the bread and wine. But here we must cast 
aside those thoughts which our reason proposes, such as, 
Jioiv does Christ ascend and descend, conceal himself in 
the bread, and is in no other place." 
12 



134 LIFE OP M ELAN CUT II ON. 

About the 12th of December, Melanchthon travelled tc 
Cassel, to negotiate a Form of Concord with Bucer. Bucer 
had a short time before met with several ministers from 
upper Germany, in Constance, who fully coincided in his 
views of the Lord's Supper. The Landgrave took a deep 
interest in the matter, and treated the Wittenberg envoy 
in the most friendly manner. Here Bucer, with the upper 
Germans, expressed his opinion to the following effect : — 
" That we receive the body of Christ essentially and truly 
when we receive the Sacrament, and that bread and wine 
are signs, with which, when they are dispensed and re- 
ceived, the body of Christ is given and received at the 
same time." He further said, "that the body and the 
bread are thus united, not by a mingling of their essence, 
but as a Sacrament, and that which is given together with 
the Sacrament." With a doctrine thus approximating, 
together with the declaration, that the opposite side would 
abide by the Augsburg Confession and its Apology, Me- 
lanchthon returned from Cassel January 9th, 1535. Luther 
was highly pleased with it, so that he remarked: "As for 
my own person, I do not know how I could reject such a 
Form of Concord." Yet he advised that this Concord 
should not be finally arranged at once, but that it would 
be best to wait a while longer, because these differences 
were so great and wide-spread. We must notice here that 
Melanchthon returned in favor of Bucer's views. He shows 
this very distinctly in a letter to Camerarius ; and in a 
letter to Brenz, who was opposed to a Concord, he re- 
marked, that they were not treating with persons who de- 
nied the Trinity and other articles. With such he would 
have nothing to do, but would look upon them as persons 
who ought to be condemned. He confesses the true pre- 
sence to him, yet with a leaning towards Bucer, and re- 



WITTENBERG FORM OF CONCORD. l35 

marks that uniformity could be brought about. Letters 
arrived from every side, declaring how gladly all would 
unite with the Wittenbergers in the Lord's Supper. So 
also did they write from Augsburg, to whom Luther wrote : 
" If this Form of Concord is established, I will sing with 
tears of joy: Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in 
peace. For I will leave peace in the Church, that is, the 
glory of God, the punishment of the devil, and vengeance 
upon all enemies and adversaries." Such encouraging 
letters also came from Strasburg, Ulm, and Esslingen, 
which filled Luther with great joy. He remarked to the 
Strasburgers, that it would also be necessary to interest 
the princes and cities in this matter. As to the time, it 
would scarcely be possible to hold the conference before 
next Easter. The Elector would be requested to appoint 
the place of meeting. He also expressed his cordial wishes 
to the preacher. Shelling, in Strasburg, towards the close 
of December: ^'I have received your letter with pleasure, 
and assure you that I am just as anxious for the Concord 
as I observe you to be. Let Him bear witness whom no 
one can deceive. Therefore pray God, as we also do, that 
this union, which, thanks to God, is prospering better and 
better, may at last be fully established. May God not be 
merciful to me, if anything is wanting on my part, or if I 
lay difficulties in the way ; so anxious am I that peace 
should be restored to the Church before my death." Me- 
lanchthon had written to the ministers in Augsburg : " I 
would willingly endanger my life to promote this Concord, 
and I trust that the way is already prepared for it. May 
Christ rule and guide the designs of the godly." Thus 
the two leaders were warmly in favor of the Form of Con- 
cord. The place was also appointed, the Elector selecting 
Eisenach. But all at once, Melanchthon began to fear 



136 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

that greater divisions might be brought about by this con- 
ference, as he writes to the Landgrave of Hesse in April : 
"Now I have all the time feared, if this should be held at 
this time, that some rigorous individuals might attend, and 
thus more disunion and offence than improvement would 
be the consequence." He then goes on to say that no 
negotiations should be undertaken without the presence of 
the Landgrave and the other princes and States, and that, 
on the whole, too great haste should be avoided. His 
concern may have been caused by an epistle sent forth at 
this time by Zwingli and Oecolampadius, which could not 
promote unity. This was prefaced too by a letter of Bucer, 
who praised these men on account of their orthodoxy. On 
this account Melanchthon was so anxious, and feared that 
it would only increase discord. '^ This disease," he wrote 
to Yeit Dietrich on the 15th of May, " cannot be healed 
suddenly. But I beseech God in mercy to look upon the 
Church, and to deliver it from all offences." 

Notwithstanding all this, the Conference was held. But 
because Luther suffered great bodily pain at this time, and 
could not go to Eisenach, he proposed Grimma, which was 
nearer. Melanchthon was already on the way thither, 
when Bucer, with his friends Capito and Wohlfahrt, called 
Lycosthenes, arrived in Wittenberg, May 21, 1536. 

Luther was not greatly pleased with their coming, for 
he had read the epistle already mentioned, and thought 
that the opposite party were not seeking a sincere union. 
However, this does not seem to have been the case, for on 
the road to Wittenberg they had visited Frederick My- 
CONIUS at Gotha, who soon led them to converse on the 
Lord's Supper, and found them inclined to unite with the 
Wittenbergcrs upon a proper basis. This he relates in a 
detailed narrative of the proceedings of the Convention. 



I 



WITTENBEEG FORM OF CONCORD. 137 

Menius also liad understood this to be the case, and they 
both informed Luther and Melanchthon of it. Early on 
the 22d of May, Bucer and Capito visited Luther, but the 
convention did not begin until three o'clock in the after- 
noon. One side was represented by Luther, Pomeranus, 
Jonas, Cruciger, Melanchthon, Menius, Myconius, Weller, 
and Rorarius ; the other merely by Bucer and Capito. 
Bucer opened the meeting by a lengthy address, in which 
he particularly expressed his joy on account of this Con- 
ference, and stated that this was now the fourth year that 
he had been laboring to bring about a union. Luther re- 
plied, and expressed his disapprobation of the epistle of 
Zwingli and Oecolampadius, prefaced by a letter from 
Bucer, which did not at all agree with this union. He 
believed it would be better to leave matters as they were, 
than to make this business, which is already bad enough, 
a hundred times worse by a fictitious form of concord. 
This of course greatly perplexed Bucer ; but in a long 
speech he again declared that there was no deception in 
the case, but that the Upper Germans had fully expressed 
their sentiments, and that the said epistle had been printed 
against his will, yea, even against his express injunctions ; 
and that his own letter had been written to others during 
the previous year, and had not been intended for publica- 
tion. Luther now, in his reply, demanded that they 
should, first of all, publicly recant their previous opinion 
as incorrect ; and secondly, that they would henceforth 
teach in unison with the Wittenbergers. He began to ex- 
plain this doctrine at length ; but, during this address, he 
became so feeble, that he was obliged to desist. They did 
not resume the conference until three o'clock in the after- 
noon of the next day. Luther insisted upon the two points 
referred to yesterday, and requested an answer from them. 
12 '^^ 



138 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

Bucer consented to recant, and confessed in his own name 
and that of the Swiss, that the bread in the Lord's Supper 
is truly the body of Christ, and that the wine is truly the 
blood of Christ ; and that the body and blood of Christ, 
namely, the natural, essential body, are received, not only 
by the heart, but with the mouth of those who receive it, 
if worthily, unto salvation, but if unworthily, unto damna- 
tion. His friends also, upon Luther's inquiry, expressed 
themselves to be of the same opinion, and earnestly re- 
quested that they might be received in a brotherly manner 
into such a union, as members of Christ. This was done, 
and Luther, as Myconius says, assured them of it "with 
great fervor and joy, which was visible also in his eyes and 
entire countenance." 

The same narrator proceeds to say, that it made so great 
an impression upon the whole assembly, that " Capito and 
Bucer began to weep, and we, on both sides, thanked God 
with clasped hands and devout gestures." Melanchthon, 
who was known to be peculiarly skilful in preparing a 
Form of Concord, was commissioned to draw it up, which 
he cheerfully did. On the 29th of May, this Form was 
signed by both parties. Li the first article it declares, that 
there are two things in the holy sacrament, a heavenly and 
earthly ; and that the body and blood of Christ are really 
and essentially present with the bread and wine, and are 
thus presented and received. In the second article they 
reject the Romish doctrine of transubstantiation ; and in 
the third, they declare that " the body and blood of Christ 
are also truly presented to the unworthy," but unto con- 
demnation. They had also agreed in regard to Baptism 
and Absolution. 

Thus was the concord established with the gracious 
assistance of God. It caused great joy among the Lu- 



RECREATION AND TROUBLE. 139 

therans In every quarter, and declarations of approbation 
were sent to Wittenberg from many sides, and even the 
Swiss partially acceded to it. All were of course not 
satisfied ; for instance, Amsdorf, who was not at all pleased 
with the Form of Concord. But Melanchthon rejoiced 
most of all ; for he now discovered that the fears which 
had troubled him so much were groundless. He from 
henceforth continued to abide by the Wittenberg Form of 
Concord. 



CHAPTER XV. 

RECREATION AND TROUBLE. 

After the completion of this work, Melanchthon felt 
desirous of carrying out a plan of a journey for recreation, 
which he had formed a long time before. Whither did he 
wish to go ? To no other place but his home. He there- 
fore, on the 17th of July, 1536, addressed a petition to 
the Elector : "I would, in all humility, inform your Elec- 
toral Grace, that there are some matters in which my poor 
children are also concerned, which I ought to settle with 
my brother, and which cannot be done through other per- 
sons, or by letter. In addition to this, Magister Camera- 
rius, who is now dangerously ill, has expressed a strong 
desire to see me. I would therefore humbly pray your 
Grace to grant me, and Magister Milichius,* whose father 

* Milichius was a physician, to whom he was particularly attached 
on account of his professional skill, devoted friendship, and literary 
taste. He was a native of Freiburg, and for a series of years led a 
useful and eminent course of public life at Wittenberg. — Cam. Life 
of Mel. in Cox. 



140 LIFE or MELANCHTHON. 

has earnestly entreated him to visit him, leave of absence 
to visit our homes for about five weeks." Already on the 
following day, he and Milichius received a gracious per- 
mission from the Elector, and also at the same time per- 
mission to make use of a one-horse carriage belonging to 
the Elector. 

But when he was about to depart, important difficulties 
arose, which made it necessary to postpone his intended 
journey. Pope Paul III., who had ascended the Papal 
chair at the death of Clement VII., seemed to be in ear- 
nest about summoning a General Council of the Church. 
The Emperor had held the opinion since 1530, that a 
General Council must be held, if harmony was to be 
restored to Germany. But Pope Clement was never in 
earnest in the matter ; and even the Papal Nuncio, Paul 
Veegerius, seems only to have gone to Wittenberg in 
order to deceive. But now it had a different appearance. 
Pope Paul had already published a bull, June 2d, 1536, 
calling a Council to meet at Mantua, on the 23d of May, 
of the following year. But it offered no hopeful prospect, 
for it said, among other things: "Not only to exterminate 
all heresy and error from the vineyard of the Lord, and 
to improve the morals of the Christian Church by such 
holy and wholesome medicine, but also to effect a general 
peace and unity among all Christian believers, and to 
reconquer our kingdom and lands by a general crusade 
against the Unbelievers." It proceeds in the same tone. 
The Lutherans could' not greatly rejoice in a Council which 
was to accomplish such things. It was generally reported 
at this time, that a Papal Nuncio would come to Saxony ; 
and it was of importance to know how he was to be re- 
ceived. We may easily understand that the Elector was 
not disposed to meet him in the most friendly manner. 



RECREATION AND TROUBLE. 141 

However, he requested the opinions of the divines and 
jurists in Wittenberg. They replied that it would only be 
possible to consent to a Council, under certain conditions. 
Let us hear what principles were expressed in Melanch- 
thon's opinion. He thought that it would be best, if the 
Council could be prevented, for the Pope evidently had no 
other intention than to condemn the Protestants. That 
they had a perfect right to protest against the Council, 
but as they had continually appealed to such an one, it 
would now bring ^'disgrace" upon the Protestants, if they 
should fly from it. Neither he, nor the other Witten- 
bergers, would permit the Pope to be judge in this General 
Council of the Church. However, the Elector differed 
altogether from the temperate views expressed in these 
opinions. He held, that the Council summoned by the 
Pope was neither a free nor general one, and that it ought 
not to be attended to ; he even thought that an opposition 
Council should be called, in which nothing should be tran- 
sacted " but what is founded in divine and holy Scripture, 
and drawn up in accordance with it." 

While matters were in this state, Melanchthon began 
his journey August 23, with Professor Milich, who wished 
to visit his home, Freiburg in the Brisgau. They passed 
through Frankfort and Bretten, to TUbingen, where his 
most faithful friend Camerarius had received an appoint- 
ment a year before. We may easily imagine what a cor- 
dial reception he met with here. From Tubingen he wrote 
to Milich : " By God's grace, Joachim is now quite well. 
Oh, that it might be of long duration ! I was received in 
the most friendly manner." He remained three weeks in 
Tiibingen, and could scarcely separate himself from Came- 
rarius, and therefore remarks in a letter, that he would 
rather be with his Joachim than anywhere else. " But I 



142 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

do not see how I can separate myself from those with 
whom I have hitherto associated." He thus again declined 
the renewed invitation of Duke Ulrich of Wurtemberg, to 
accept a professorship there. The learned from every 
quarter came to Tiibingen, to see and to converse with 
Melanchthon. When these were assembled at a dinner 
upon a certain occasion, in the house of Phrygio, Me- 
lanchthon asked the preacher Zell, of Strasburg, what he 
thought of the Lord's Supper? He honestly replied: 
''When God the Lord permitted me to arrive at a know- 
ledge of his holy Gospel, I never believed, taught, and 
preached otherwise in regard to the Lord's Supper, but 
that the true body and the true blood of Jesus Christ, my 
Saviour, are offered to all those who receive and partake 
of the Lord's Supper. But as for believing that I must 
receive the body and blood in the Lord's Supper, suhsta7i- 
tialiter, essentialite7\ realiter, naturaliter, prcesentialiter, 
localiter, corporaliter, transuhstantialiter^ quantitative^ 
qualitative^ uhiqualiter^ carnaliter, I believe the devil has 
brought these words from hell. Christ simply said, •' This 
is my body, this is my blood.' " Melanchthon replied, in a 
pleasant manner : " You have given a correct answer." On 
the 14th of October, he went to Nurtingen, and there con- 
sulted with the Duke about the arrangement of the Uni- 
versity. From this place he wrote an encouraging letter 
to the professors of the University, in which he assures 
them that the Duke entertained the kindest feelings to- 
wards the University, and looked upon it as one of the 
most important institutions of the state. 

The Duke commissioned Melanchthon to write to Brenz 
at Hall, to induce him to accept a professorship in the 
University. Melanchthon discharged this honorable duty 
on the 17th of October. He entreated Brenz in the most 



RECREATION AND TROUBLE. 143 

earnest manner, in the name of the Duke, to accept of the 
appointment at least for one year, until a suitable person 
could be found. Yea, he conjured him for the sake of 
Christ and the good of the Church, and said that he would 
go himself, if the Elector of Saxony would suffer him to go 
for a time. " But," he adds, " I cannot preach, and there- 
fore would be of little use in such a situation." Brenz 
actually accepted the call, amd received the permission of 
his government for this purpose. The Duke dismissed 
Melanchthon in the most friendly manner, and presented 
him with one hundred gold florins. He journeyed through 
Goppingen and Ellwangen to Nuremberg, where a circle 
of devoted friends resided, such as Baumgartner, Ebner, 
Dietrich, Roting,. Osiander, and others. A dispute con- 
cerning Private Confession was carried on here at this time. 
Andrew Osiander was involved in it. He adhered to this 
ancient and established custom of the Church, whilst others 
maintained that forgiveness of sins was to be sought in 
preaching, in the general Confession, and in the Sacra- 
ment. Osiander granted that forgiveness was also granted 
in preaching, but did not wish the servant of Christ imme- 
diately to say : I absolve thee from thy sins, without knowing 
who should be bound and who absolved. He feared con- 
fusion, because the wicked man might thus falsely comfort 
himself with absolution ; and he called this absolution 
juggling. Against this last, Melanchthon declared him- 
self in writing and verbally, for he understood very well 
that absolution "is effectual to those who receive it with 
true faith, and comfort themselves with it," — '^ although 
others are present to whom the absolution does not apply. 
These, however, are reminded and excluded by the condi- 
tion of repentance." It was, however, also his opinion 



144 LIFE OF MELAI!TCIITH0N. 

that efforts should be made to re-establish Private Confes- 
sion more and more in future. At the same time he 
modestly suggests that others also ''who have more know- 
ledge," should give their opinion in this matter. From 
Nuremberg he wrote to Camerarius, and revealed his 
troubles in regard to these disputes : "Oh that this evil 
might be remedied ! I am oppressed and consumed by 
private and public cares. Therefore I so earnestly long 
for your company, with whom I somewhat refreshed my- 
self. I am most painfully troubled about these disputes, 
by which, as is very evident, Churches and States are 
rent. Therefore we will withdraw from all such disputes, 
and devote all our zeal to the education of youth, and to 
form their judgment, so that, as much as possible, we may 
provide for posterity. I shall exert myself more and 
more to instil moderate and useful principles into the 
minds of the young, and to restrain them from such foolish 
disputes." 

While he was thus pouring forth his sorrows, he himself 
was threatened with a great trial in Wittenberg. A preacher 
named Conrad Cordatus, of Niemegk, a zealous adherent 
of Luther, had been present at a lecture, delivered by 
Cruciger towards the end of July, 1536. In this, Cruciger 
expressed the opinion that in the article of Justification, 
good works are the condition, without which we cannot be 
saved. Cordatus was greatly and properly shocked at this, 
for such a form of expression was totally opposed to the 
doctrine of the Lutheran Church. In the following month 
he wrote to Cruciger, to call him to account, on account 
of this wrong doctrine. The professor did not reply. 
Cordatus wrote again, threatening that he would not be 
silent until he should hear a recantation of this heresy. If 



EECREATION AND TROUBLE. 145 

tins should not be done, he would apply to the theological 
faculty for a decision. He also said that there were many 
trifling Theologians in Wittenberg, who would rather read 
and hear the dead Erasmus than the living Luther. Now 
Cruciger replied, and defended his views. On the 17th of 
September, Cordatus came to Wittenberg, and visited Cru- 
ciger. He here heard that what he had read concerning 
the Gospel of John was the work of Melanchthon, who, as 
Ratzeberger relates, in a manner composed their lectures 
for the professors. ^' For no labor was distasteful to 
Philip, and he served every one cheerfully." The next 
day Cordatus went to Luther, and presented the whole 
matter to him. Luther replied: "You are not the first to 
inform me of this. Michael Stiefel and Amsdorf have 
already asked me about it." It is not known how much 
more was spoken and resolved, although it seems that 
Luther labored to suppress the difficulty. Melanchthon's 
journey of recreation was not a little embittered, for he 
received the news of this occurrence in Wittenberg. Even 
while yet upon the road he found it necessary to write to 
Luther, Bugenhagen, Jonas, and Cruciger, in which he at 
length justifies his manner of teaching. He says: "I 
never wished, and in this particular point of dispute, I 
have never taught anything else but what you all together 
unite in teaching." He declared that many had fallen 
into the opinion, especially on account of this proposition — 
"We are justified by faith alone," that we are justified by 
the new life, or the gifts communicated to us. 

Hence arose the question : If we are only acceptable by 

Grace, wherefore is the new life required ? Although he 

highly praised good works, he yet distinctly states that 

they are neitber the price nor the merit of eternal life. 

13 



146 



LIFE OF MELANCIITHON. 



He prayed for Christ's sake that they should be convinced 
concerning him ; that he had taught thus with the best in- 
tentions, and not on account of stubbornness of opinion. 
He had never wished to hold opinions different from their 
own, and if they wished to make him suspected and 
estranged, he would rather remove far away from them. 
Cordatus already circulated the report that Melanchthon 
would return to Wittenberg no more. But on the 5th of 
"November, a few days after his letter, he arrived, and al- 
most the first thing he did was to write a friendly and 
conciliatory letter to his accuser, in which he reminds him 
of old friendship, and says that he should have spoken to 
him first of all, if he found anything reprehensible in him. 
He concludes thus : " This cause, in which we are engaged, 
is not our own, but Christ's, whose glory I truly desire to 
serve." Cordatus had raised considerable excitement, which 
spread even to the Court of the Elector. Towards the end 
of December, Cordatus referred the decision of this matter 
to Jonas, then Rector of the University, who had already 
besought him to desist from the accusation. Another 
event, however, put a stop to this disagreeable matter for 
the present. 



THE CONVENTION AT SMALKALD. 147 



CHAPTER XVI. 

THE CONVENTION AT SMALKALD. 

We have before referred to the proceedings instituted 
by the Elector, when he received notice that Pope Paul III. 
was about to convene a Council at Mantua. The Evange- 
lical States appointed a meeting at Smalkald, February 7, 
1537, in order to deliberate whether they should accept 
the invitation to attend the Papal diet or not. The Elec- 
tor, at the same time, as Luther informs us, commissioned 
him '' to arrange articles of our doctrine, in order to see 
if it should come to this, what and how much we could and 
would yield to the Papists, and which we finally intend to 
adhere to." This led to the so-called " Smalkald Articles,'" 
which were very properly adopted among the Confessional 
writings of the Lutheran Church. When he had com- 
pleted this w^ork, the Theologians from abroad, Amsdorf, 
Agricola, and Spalatin, met with Luther and Melanchthon 
in Wittenberg, in order to discuss these articles before 
they should be delivered at the meeting at Smalkald. This 
document contains three parts. The first relates to the 
doctrines of the Divine Majesty, in which both parties 
were agreed. The second part treats of the articles 
" which refer to the office and work of Jesus Christ, or 
our Salvation." 1. It speaks of Justification by Faith 
alone. " From this article," it declares, '' we cannot move 
or let anything fall, if heaven and earth should fall." 



148 



LIFE OF MELANCHTHON, 



2. They treat of the Mass and Inyocation of Saints. 3. 
Of cliaritable foundations and convents. And 4. Of the 
Papacy. The third part included the doctrines of Sin, of 
the Law, Repentance, of the erroneous repentance of the 
Papists, of the Gospel, of Baptism, of the Sacrament of 
the Altar, of the Keys, of Confession, of Excommunica- 
tion, of Ordination and Vocation, of the Marriage of the 
Priests, of the Church, of Justification and good works, 
of Monastic Vows, and Human Ordinances. Luther says, 
"" These are the articles to which I must and will adhere 
until I die, if it pleases God ; and I know of nothing in 
them that I can alter or yield. But if any one wishes to 
yield anything, let him do it upon his conscience." 

These articles, which are composed with a truly Lu- 
theran vigor, were highly approved of by the Theologians. 
They subscribed them in Wittenberg. Melanchthon also 
signed them, and added these remarks: '^I, Philip Me- 
lanchthon, also consider the above articles right and 
Christian. But concerning the Pope, I hold, that his 
superiority over the Bishops, which he otherwise possesses, 
should also be conceded by us, jure humane, (according to 
human right,) on account of the peace and unity of those 
Christians who now yield obedience to him, and may do so 
in time to come." Luther had disputed this human right 
of the Pope, in the article on the Papacy ; and surely not 
without good reason. For a Pope, as he was now presup- 
posed by Melanchthon, had never existed in any place. 
If he accepted the Gospel, he was no longer Pope ; he 
could not longer be Pope. It was clearly an erroneous 
yielding to the powers on the opposing side, and must be 
explained by Melanchtlion's timidity, as is manifested in 
his letter to Veit Dietrich, January 20 : " When I think 
of the Convention, and of the terrible conflicts, which, I 



THE CONVENTION AT SMALKALD. 149 

Ibelieve, will arise there, I shudder all over my body." The 
Elector was highly pleased with Luther's articles, and did 
not agree with Melanchthon's view of the Pope ; for he 
saw very well that they would by this expose themselves 
to future suppression and extermination. 

Towards the end of January, Luther, Melanchthon, and 
Bugenhagen, departed for Smalkald, although Melanch- 
thon's health was seriously affected. They passed through 
Torgau, Altenburg, and Weimar. In the latter city, 
Luther preached before the retinue of the Papal Nuncio. 
He was not afraid to complain that the kings and bishops 
hated the Evangelical party more than the Turks. On the 
7th of February they arrived at Smalkald, and eight days 
after this the Convention was opened. But they had not 
been here long, when Luther became very ill with violent 
pains of the stone. Immediately every attention was paid 
by the physicians of the princes, but in vain. Luther 
begged Melanchthon to send for Dr. Sturz, of Erfurt, in 
whom he reposed great confidence. Philip wrote to him : 
*' I beseech you to come at once, and do not fail, when such 
a man is in danger." He took Luther's illness much to 
heart, which he manifested in all his letters at this time. 
He wrote to Jonas, '' Let us pray to God earnestly, that 
he would preserve him, and restore him to health." Luther 
did not wish to remain in Smalkald any longer, and had 
himself conveyed away. When he was riding out of the 
gate of the city, he turned to the friends who were escort- 
ing him, with these words : '' God fill you with hatred 
against the Pope !" This legacy to those remaining behind 
was faithfully taken to heart by them. 

The object of this meeting of Smalkald was, as Melanch- 
thon stated in a letter to Jonas, partly thoroughly to dis- 
cuss doctrine, in order to promote uniformity in all the 
13-^ 



150 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON, 

churclies, and partly also to deliberate to wliicli articles 
they would adhere to the last, and in which they might 
yield should any hope of peace appear. This, too, was 
the Elector's plan, but it did not succeed, particularly as 
far as yielding was concerned, because the more deter- 
mined Theologians were altogether opposed to it. They 
entertained the opinion, which was no doubt correct, that 
to yield would be explained as inconstancy both by friends 
and foes, and the Emperor would only press them more 
urgently because they seemed to fly. Even a closer com- 
parison of doctrine did not become popular, doubtless 
because they feared that if disunion should arise, the 
League would be broken. Luther's illness and departure 
also interfered with the deliberations. The Theologians, 
together with Bucer and Blaurer, who represented the 
upper Germans, as well as the princes, continued to adhere 
to the Augsburg Confession and the Apology. They also 
subscribed the Smalkald articles. 

Melanchthon wrote to Jonas, that, in order they might 
not be idle, and play the part of dumb persons, they had 
received orders to write something in regard to the power 
of the Roman Chief-Priest. Pie applied himself to this 
task, and confesses himself that it was sharper than he 
generally wrote. He still entertained the opinion that the 
Council should not be rejected unconditionally, and did 
not wish to dispute the Pope's right to call such an one, 
even if he should not be considered judge. Those who 
were more determined, granted that some of the reasons 
of Melanchthon were acute and true, but they were not 
expedient ; for even if they should promise an attendance 
of the Evangelical party in this Council, their opponents 
would interpret this as a submission to the right of Papal 
decision. He himself could not deny that his views were 



THE CONVENTION AT SMALKALD. 15 

somewhat dangerous, and finally yielded to the majority ; 
but it drew forth sighs and complaints, which he poured 
into the heart of his friend Camerarius. But he also con- 
fesses that the lawfulness of the good cause affords great 
consolation, let the consequences be what they will. 

The Imperial Ambassador, Held, a decided enemy of 
the Evangelical party, was to receive their answer. They 
informed him that they could not approve of the Council 
of Mantua, and therefore begged the Emperor to provide a 
free Council. Held made many objections, and promised 
that the Emperor would see to it, that everything should 
be lawfully decided in the General Council. However, the 
Evangelical states were not satisfied with such general 
declarations. They delivered a written statement, pre- 
pared by Melanchthon, both to him and the Papal Nuncio, 
Bishop Vorst of Aix, in which they justify themselves for 
declining to meet with the Council. He proved in a tho- 
rough manner, that there was no divine right constituting 
the Pope the head of the Christian Church, and that he 
consequently deserved no obedience. He also disputed the 
power of the bishops, because it was merely founded upon 
human regulations. The princes and divines assembled in 
Smalkald were so highly pleased with this work, that they 
subscribed it with joy. During this meeting, the Theolo- 
gians present felt themselves urged to recommend a proper 
appropriation of the possessions of the Church to the 
princes. They said in their address: ''May your electoral 
, and princely highnesses, for God's sake, take this great 
want to heart, and exhort the states that the possessions of 
churches and convents be principally retained for and 
applied to the support of churches and schools, which will 
be for the glory of God, and the good of the people, and 



152 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

^ill also prevent their dissipation, wliicli would injure the 
Churcli, government, and country." The princes received 
this address in a very gracious manner, and the Landgrave 
of Hesse declared that in this thing help must be given by 
deeds, and not merely by words. 

Thus the Convention was brought to a close, and Me- 
lanchthon rejoiced to be able to go home again. On the 
14th of March he returned with Luther, who had recovered 
again, and whom he found on the way to Wittenberg. He 
could not thank God sufficiently that his friend Luther was 
well again, and in all his letters he calls upon his friends 
to thank the Lord for this. On the 16th of March he 
wrote to Agricola: ''I was seized by a peculiar sorrow 
when I saw Luther's danger. I was moved to it by the 
loss of the Church, but also by my love for this man, and 
my admiration of his distinguished and heroic virtues. I 
could not but be greatly troubled at the danger of such a 
man. Therefore, I heartily thank God and our Lord Jesus 
Christ, that he has looked upon our tears and sighs, and 
has restored Luther to health." In another letter he calls 
upon Spalatin, not only to be thankful for this, but also 
to pray God '^ that he would preserve such a teacher for 
his Church for a long time." 



CONFLICTS IN THE EVANGELICAL CAMP. 153 



CHAPTER XVII. 

CONFLICTS IN THE EVANGELICAL CAMP. 

On the day after his arrival in Wittenberg he wrote to 
Yelt Dietrich : " Wittenberg, by the grace of God, is still 
quiet;" and as late as the 14th of April he wrote: "There 
is still peace here, and Christ grant that it may endure 
for a long time." He little thought that conflicts, Avhich 
should trouble him greatly, would soon break out in this 
camp. The dispute which had arisen, certainly not with- 
out Melanchthon's fault, was interrupted for a while by 
the convention at Smalkald, but it was not yet to be 
brought to a conclusion. On the 14th of April, Cordatus 
addressed a letter to Melanchthon, in which he accuses 
him of making Cruciger's cause his own, and also com- 
plains that unworthy motives were imputed to him. It is 
true, Melanchthon had made this cause his own, and could 
not well do otherwise. He had invited Cordatus to an 
interview, by a man named Ungarus ; but he did not come, 
because, as he himself confesses in the letter already men- 
tioned, he was 'too much excited against Melanchthon, and 
particularly because Melanchthon had before that only 
spoken jestingly of the whole matter, and his present ear- 
nestness was altogether unexpected." He also addressed 
a letter to Dr. Jonas, then Rector of the University, in 
which ho prays that Cruciger should be compelled publicly 
to recant the error he had publicly proclaimed. That he 
could not now desist, in his own name, from that which he 



154 LIFE OF 'mELANCHTHON. 

had begun in the name of Christ. Jonas replied in a very 
haughty manner, and accused him of seeking notoriety, 
because he was disgusted with his obscurity and little 
church, and advises him to obey, and to tame his violent 
disposition. But this merely served to call forth stronger 
letters from Cordatus to Jonas and Melanchthon, in which 
he threatened that he would apply to the whole Theological 
faculty. At the same time he also gave notice of this 
matter to Chancellor Briick, and said: "I cannot endure 
that so great a crowd at Wittenberg oppose the blessed 
doctrine of the pious man Luther, who is indeed the only 
Doctor of these things, and that too, God knows, without 
just cause." And besides, that Melanchthon had written 
to him yesterday : ''I have of my own accord altered 
many things in my little volume, and I rejoice that I made 
these alterations." Melanchthon, in a letter to Bucer, 
April 23d, complained most bitterly of Cordatus, and in- 
sisted upon his proposition, that new obedience is necessary 
to eternal life. In this too, as in a letter to Dietrich, he 
spok® of retiring from Wittenberg if he should see that the 
conduct of Cordatus met with approbation. 

This dispute at last attracted the attention of the 
Elector, who directed an inquiry to Luther and Bugen- 
hagen. May 5th, through the Chancellor, whether it was 
true that Master Philip, Dr. Cruciger, and many masters 
and students, entertained different opinions from Luther 
and Pomeranus in some doctrines. The Inquiry referred 
to several points, es-pecially to Justification, concerning 
which, Cruciger is said, by Melanchthon's direction, to 
have taught publicly a year ago that we are not justified 
before God by faith alone, "but that works were also 
necessary, for they are causa sine qua non,'" (the condition, 
without which we cannot be saved.) The Inquiry also re- 






CONFLICTS IN THE EVANGELICAL CAMP. 155 

ferred to another point, according to which men might 
securely, and without burdening their consciences, receive 
the Sacrament in one kind. There is also said to be a dif- 
ference in reference to "free will." 

The Elector especially censured Melanchthon for arbi- 
trarily altering the Augsburg Confession, which was not a 
private, but a public Confession. The people, too, were 
highly displeased with this. He required an answer to 
this and several other points. He would rather suffer the 
University, which had prospered under Melanchthon, to 
decrease, than endure such divisions. Luther did not say 
anything about this to Melanchthon. When a certain 
Peter Ravus was made a Doctor, on the 4th of June, Lu- 
ther led to the discussion of the doctrine of the necessity 
of good works, and rejected the formula that good works 
are necessary to salvation. Cruciger, who yielded at last, 
wrote a lengthy account of this to Dietrich. Cordatus 
was silent after* this public discussion, in which Melanch- 
thon's formula had been defeated; and Master Philip 
himself began to retract, no doubt because he saw that 
his formula might be promotive of work-righteousness. 
He simply wished to insist upon the doctrine that sanctifi- 
cation must necessarily follow from justification. He 
should not therefore have adhered so obstinately to his 
formula in the beginning. 

The '' Inquiry" of the Elector referred to an opinion, 
that under certain circumstances, one kind of the sacra- 
ment might also be distributed. Melanchthon had thus 
advised the preacher Jacob Shenk, of Freiberg, who had 
asked his opinion whether he should not introduce both 
kinds of the sacrament into his congregation, even against 
the will of the authorities. This answer, which regarded 
the circumstances of the case, and wished to prevent re- 



156 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

bellion against tyrannical princes, liad been given without 
any consultation with Luther. Shenk sent Melanchthon's 
letter to the Elector's court at Weimar. When Melanch- 
thon heard of this, he was greatly incensed. On the 16th 
of July he wrote to Brenz that he was here contending 
with a Hydra. As soon as he was done with one, many 
others arise. Another slanderer of Freiberg had com- 
plained of him to the Elector. He now refers to the cause 
which had induced this friend and former hearer to take 
this step. On the 11th of October he wrote to Camera- 
rius, that the prince was present himself. For he had 
sent his Chancellor to speak with Luther concerning this 
matter. The result of this interview was, that Luther 
expressed his surprise that Melanchthon still entertained 
such fancies ; and, on the whole, he thought that Melanch- 
thon did not think much of the sacrament, and was almost 
of Zwingli's opinion. Yet he was not able to say how he 
felt at heart, and did not wish that so distinguished a man 
should separate from them and their University. But if 
he should adhere to the opinion expressed to Shenk, why 
everything else must yield to the truth. If for the sake 
of peace, we are to permit one kind, we should also be 
obliged to yield to tyrants, if they wished us to teach that 
works justify us. "I think," said the Chancellor, "that 
it would do no harm if Dr. Martinus would proceed, and 
speak earnestly and cordially with Philip. There is a 
chain in these matters which connects something. May 
the Almighty overrule it for good." 

October 13, Melanchthon wrote to Dietrich : " Yester- 
day I understood that several articles should be presented 
to me to subscribe, but I am not certain of anything, be- 
cause everything is kept secret. Not only are all who are 
considered my friends excluded from these interviews and 



CONFLICTS IN THE EVANGELICAL CAMP. 157 

deliberations, but also all those who do not seem to be full 
of the proper heat and violence. I earnestly hope that, 
if they are displeased with me, they will produce their 
complaints openly and without concealment. I have to- 
day prepared a defence." 

He completed this, and met all the accusations against 
him, not only in regard to the Lord's Supper, but also in 
regard to those other points in which he had somewhat 
changed his views. The day on which he was to make 
his defence was already appointed, but Luther's illness 
prevented the meeting. Besides this, Shenk went over to 
Agricola, who, as is well known, held the erroneous 
doctrine that the law is no longer to be taught in the 
Christian Church. On this account no further notice was 
taken of him. 

The year 1538 also brought him fresh troubles. In the 
summer Melanchthon had indeed been honored by being 
made Rector of the University, but he was soon to expe- 
rience the unpleasant part of his office. A young Master 
Simon Lemnius, a Grison, had published a small volume 
of satirical poems, in which he not only ridiculed several 
citizens of Wittenberg, but also the most worthy Pro- 
fessors, among them even Luther and Melanchthon. He 
even made satirical allusions to the Elector's Court. On 
the other hand, he praised Archbishop Albert of Mentz, 
who indeed deserved so little praise. This part displeased 
Luther more than all the rest ; and he expressed his dis- 
pleasure, " because this lampooner praises that miserable 
town-clerk of Halle, (pardon the expression,) Bishop Al- 
bert, and thus makes a saint of the devil." As many 
were already prejudiced against Melanchthon, he was sus- 
pected of secretly having countenanced the satirical poems 
of Lemnius. For, among other things, it was also the 



158 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

duty of the Rector of tlie University to keep a watchful 
eye upon the various publications. ] 

It was certainly a fault that Melanchthon had overlooked 
this ; however, he did everything he could to rectify it. He 
forbade the satirist to leave the city ; and when he fled, 
and did not appear after having been summoned twice, he 
was expelled. However, his enemies were not satisfied yet, 
and Melanchthon believed it necessary to send a written 
justification of his conduct to the Elector. He proves that 
he could not have known anything of this lampoon, because 
he and his wife are also attacked in two places in the most 
virulent manner. He had not seen a page of the book 
until it was handed to him, and then he scarcely looked 
into it, regarding it as an abject petition addressed to the 
Bishop of Mentz ; but when he had examined it more care- 
fully, he had forbidden the author to leave the city. As 
he had fled, and did not appear to answer the summons, he 
had been expelled from the University as a traitor and 
calumniator. Melanchthon thus concludes : " This is in- 
deed the truth, for by God's grace, unfaithfulness and 
falsehood shall never be laid to my charge." When it was 
said that his son-in-law Sabinus knew something of it, he 
added to his report : " I do not know what my son-in-law 
knew of, or did in this matter, for he has caused me 
enough sorrow in other matters, which I must labor to 
mend." This settled the whole matter. But these re- 
peated attacks grieved Melanchthon exceedingly, as appears 
from various letters, to his friends. He once wrote to 
Camerarius, that he felt in Wittenberg as if he was tied to 
Mount Caucasus. The continual, bitter sorrows which had 
been weighing upon his mind for years, and his daily 
anxieties, were preying upon him so much, that he feared 
he would not live much longer. 



ASSEMBLY OE THE PEINCES AT FRANKFORT. 159 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

THE ASSEMBLY OF THE PRINCES AT FRANKFORT, AND THE 
VICTORIES OF THE REFORMATION. 

The Catholics and Protestants assumed a more hostile 
attitude towards each other ; but the Electors of Branden- 
burg and the Palatinate interposed, and finally succeeded 
in bringing about a meeting of the princes, in Frankfort- 
on-the-Main, at the beginning of the year 1539. On the 
31st of January, Melanchthon also went thither. From 
Weimar he wrote to Jonas, that there was some hope of 
peace, for the princes manifested their readiness to bring 
it about. The Emperor and King Ferdinand had likewise 
sent ambassadors. They were not regarded much before 
they had presented their offers as to the conditions of peace. 
But when the Imperial orator requested the mediators al- 
ready mentioned to make propositions for peace, according 
to their judgment, a star of hope seemed to arise. The 
Count Palatine and the Margrave hereupon demanded a 
form of agreement from the Protestants, in order to learn 
what they still missed in the Nuremberg Religious Peace. 
The Protestants complied with this request ; they demanded 
that not only the states of the present time, but also those 
who should receive the Gospel in the future, should receive 
full liberty, and especially also that the proceedings of the 
Imperial chamber of justice should be stopped. Thus 
matters stood March 4th, as Melanchthon wrote to Jonas ; 
but the ambassadors were stubborn, and would by no means 
consent to the proposed conditions of peace. He wrote to 



160 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

the prince of Anhalt : " May God incline their minds to 
the love of peace!" But this did not happen; on the 
contrary, the Imperial ambassador overwhelmed the Pro- 
testants with accusations, although the mediators seemed 
more inclined to terms. Melanchthon wrote to Brenz : 
" The matter has almost come to that point, that, as the 
Emperor said, the time for arms, and not for deliberations, 
seems to have arrived. Yet, although I tremble when I 
think what a very serious matter this is, I am sometimes 
surprised that our friends, who are so greatly irritated, do 
not break forth more violently." 

They could not effect an agreement. Thus time passed 
on, and Melanchthon, in the meantime, wrote three dis- 
courses in the German language. The first treated of the 
right of defence, if they should be attacked by their ene- 
mies ; the second showed that upright persons could not 
take up arms against the Protestants ; and the third, that 
all the godly must assist them. Some disputed the right 
of waging war against the Emperor. Two years ago the 
Wittenbergers had declared the lawfulness of this step, 
maintaining that the Gospel did not oppose natural rights 
or public laws. All hopes of an agreement diminished 
more and more, and he was obliged to write to Camerarius, 
on April 5th: '-We have here been weaving the veil of 
Penelope. If we have rejected one form of peace, another 
is laid before us, which merely differs from the preceding 
one in words, but not in sense. Some maintain that they 
are treacherously procrastinating this matter, but this has 
not frightened us as yet. I hope that the Empire may 
remain undisturbed, although no fair conditions could yet 
be obtained from the Imperial orator. He demands that 
we should not receive any new confederates. This shame- 
ful condition is introduced again and again, with new 



ASSEMBLY OF THE PRINCES AT FRANKFORT. 161 

sophistries, although it has been rejected repeatedly. In 
this you have the entire history of the Convention. In 
the beginning, I disputed concerning a number of points ; 
but when the Imperial ambassador made such unreasonable 
demands, I ceased ; and if no truce is made, we shall pub- 
lish the reasons which induced us to reject those demands." 
For this purpose he had prepared his three German dis- 
courses. Luther understood the state of things very well 
when he wrote ; that one party wished an open door for 
the Gospel, and the other locked it ; and the matter w^as 
now so, that Christ and Belial must be united, or one must 
yield to the other. 

As the King of England still intended to enter into a 
league with the Protestants, and had therefore sent his 
ambassador, Christopher Mouat, to the Convention at 
Smalkald, Melanchthon again addressed a letter to him. 
In his letter, dated April 1st, he most earnestly urges the 
King, that, as he had already reformed some abuses in the 
Church, he should also abolish all remaining Roman un- 
godliness. At the same time, Louis von Baumbach and 
Francis Burckard, vice-chancellor of the Electorate of 
Saxony, departed from Frankfort to England. These 
messengers were received by the King in a very friendly 
manner, but they could not induce Henry to reform the 
Church according to the principles of the Gospel. When 
Henry demanded again that Melanchthon should be sent 
over, it was not done, for they saw very well that the King 
was not serious in this matter. He had also received Me- 
lanchthon's letter in a very ungracious manner. Henry 
was an obstinate man, who pretended to be a Theologian 
himself. How ridiculous this his boasted learning was, is 
apparent, for instance, in the argument he advances for 
the necessity of good works. He argued, because evil 
14^ 



162 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

works merit everlasting wrath, it follows that good works 
merit everlasting bliss. At the request of the Elector and 
the Landgrave, Melanchthon also addressed a letter to 
King Francis of France, in order to explain the character 
of the League of Smalkald to him. This was brought 
about, not for bad ends, but simply to defend the Gospel. 
He thus concludes this letter: ''It is much to be desired 
that the greatest monarchs will prevent a suppression of 
the truth by unjust means." At last the Convention of 
the Princes at Frankfort adjourned. On the 19th of April 
they agreed on a truce of fifteen months, and also a reli- 
gious discussion, to be held in Nuremberg, August 1st. 
"We thank God," Melanchthon writes from Saalf eld April 
23d, " that no one is permitted to begin war, and that the 
peace of Nuremberg has again been established and re- 
newed. But this was only gained by great exertions." 

He was now to have a more agreeable experience than 
he had been accustomed to for the past few years. On 
the 17th of April, Duke George of Saxony, this decided 
enemy of the Gospel, departed this life. It is true, it is 
said that he passed from this world with full faith in the 
Lord Jesus Christ. He had already, in the beginning of 
this year, expressed a wish that a reformation of his do- 
minions should be undertaken. But he wished a Reforma- 
tion like that of King Henry of England. He did not 
wish the Scriptures to decide, but rather the traditions of 
the first eight centuries. However, Melanchthon, together 
with Chancellor Briick and Bucer, had gone to Leipzig in 
the beginning of January, in order to negotiate with 
George von Carlowitz, and George Wizel, who, after 
having become a Protestant, had returned into the bosom 
of the Catholic Church. These negotiations, however, 
were soon brought to a conclusion, because the principles 



VICTOmES OF THE REFORMATION. 163 

of the two parties were entirely opposed to eacli other. 
But now, after the accession of the Duke's brother Henry, 
the Reformation was accomplished easily and rapidly, for 
he was a friend of Evangelical truth. It was, indeed, a 
blessing that death had carried off Duke George so sud- 
denly, for, as Melanchthon relates in a letter to Camera- 
rius, he intended to exclude his brother and the other 
heirs, and to bequeath his dominions to King Ferdinand. 
But it is evident in this case also, that God's thoughts are 
often different from, and always better than the thoughts 
of men. The new Duke had an interview with the Elector, 
concerning the Reformation of his dukedom, on the 5th 
of May. May 22d, Melanchthon, Luther, and Jonas went 
to Leipzig, where Myconius and Cruciger were already, in 
order to reform the Church and University according to 
the Gospel. On the 28th of May, they published their 
opinion in regard to the Reformation of the University, in 
which they declared that '' all government is bound before 
God to abolish and forbid false doctrine and false worship." 
All preaching, discussions, reading, distribution of the 
Sacrament, and all their ceremonies, were to be forbidden 
to the monks, because they continued to practise, and 
would not forsake their blasphemy. The Theologians of 
the University should be required " to receive this doctrine, 
or, if they should be unwilling to do this, that they should 
not be allowed to lecture, dispute, or preach. Also, that 
it was highly necessary to introduce Christian doctrine 
into the schools and churches at the same time." In addi- 
tion to this, they proposed Amsdorf, Dr. Hess of Breslau, 
or Alexander Alesius and Ziegler, as teachers of the He- 
brew language. That it would also be necessary to increase 
the salaries, for twenty florins would no longer suffice in 
these times, especially as the professors were married. The 



164 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

abundance of the convents should be taken from them, and 
provision made for poor students of Theology, because 
" the rich do not become pastors and preachers, for alas ! 
they are ashamed of this high service of God." 

On Pentecost the Evangelical form of worship was in- 
troduced in Leipzig, and Luther preached a powerful 
sermon. On the 30th of May we already find our friend 
Melanchthon busily engaged in Wittenberg. But his eyes 
were still bent upon Leipzig, where his two dear friends 
Myconius and Cruciger had to contend with the powers of 
darkness. He comforted and encouraged them in a letter 
dated June 6 : "I pray God and our Lord Jesus Christ to 
be with and to preserve you in your conflicts and dangers. 
For I have no doubt that you have there become acquaint- 
ed with the Pharisaical, yea diabolical venom of the enemies 
of the Gospel. But you know that your labor will redound 
to the honor of Christ, and you also know how much the 
Empire would be benefited by the reunion of these coun- 
tries. Therefore patiently endure labor and danger in so 
important a cause." "We look for your letters with fear- 
ful anxiety, and pray you to write more frequently. Here, 
by the Grace of God, we have peace, only we have almost 
too much to do." 

On the 24th of June he wrote to Duke Albert of 
Prussia : " According to the latest news we learn, that by 
the hand of God, the Gospel has had a good and flourish- 
ing beginning in the dominions of Duke Henry of Saxony, 
as well as in Leipzig and other places. May our Lord 
Jesus Christ grant his Grace to it ! In Leipzig they have 
begun to administer the sacrament in the true way, and 
they are also abolishing secret masses." A few days be- 
fore, Myconius and Cruciger had a severe conflict with the 
Dominicans. The disputation lasted eight hours. After 



VICTORIES OF THE REFORMATION. 165 

this the University renounced the Koman Church. Many- 
were, however, not at all satisfied with this Reformation, 
which was especially opposed by John von Maltitz, Bishop 
of Meissen. He sent a memorial to the Duke, which was 
either composed by Pflug or Witzel, and asked that the 
reformation of the defects of the Church should be left to 
him. The Duke sent it to the Elector, who required an 
opinion from his Theologians in regard to it. Melanch- 
thon is the author of this opinion. Although this Bleissen 
Booh, as the Bishop's memorial was called, had taken up 
some portions of the true doctrine, in order to be more 
acceptable, yet on the whole it adhered to hereditary 
teachings, and found fault with the Protestants. 

As Melanchthon, Luther, and Jonas, appealed to the 
Holy Scriptures, they could easily refute the Bishop's 
book. They therefore declare : " That they announce to 
the priests that they would not receive or approve of their 
book ; and that they did not consider it calculated to effect 
the Reformation and Improvement of the Church, nor to 
bring about a Christian agreement." 

As Melanchthon had been so active in the Reformation 
of the Church and University in Leipzig, he was now com- 
missioned to visit the Churches in the Duke's possessions 
in Thuringia, and also some cities in Meissen. He dis- 
charged this duty, and found a most lamentable state of 
things. We will extract some parts of his report. Of the 
minister at Weissensee he says, that he was unlearned, 
frivolous, and led a scandalous life ; that the people asked 
for a good Pastor, and displayed an affection for the Gos- 
pel. Of the minister of Danstadt he says, that he was a 
highly vicious person, and should be deposed at once. 
The two preachers of Sangerhaus, although they had 
adopted the new doctrine, were accused of adultery. The 



166 



LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 



minister in Freiburg is a venomous blasphemer, sent 
tbither by Eck, and ought to be deposed forthwith. He 
also proposed persons for these vacant places. Myconius 
should be lent for a time to Annaberg. He thus discharged 
his duty in the region which he had been appointed to 
visit, in a most earnest and conscientious manner. He 
also enjoyed the great satisfaction of hearing that his 
dearest friend in the world, Joachim Camerarius, had been 
called to a Professorship in Leipzig, in 1541. 

He had not long completed his labors in the dominions 
of the Duke, when he received a call from the Elector of 
Brandenburg, Joachim II., to come to Berlin, in order to 
give his advice in regard to the introduction of the Befor- 
mation in that country. 

We have already seen that the Elector had acted as 
mediator in the assembly of the princes at Frankfort ; so 
he also wished to introduce a Church discipline of this 
character, which was strongly tainted with Catholicism, 
although he wished the preaching of the Gospel to remain 
free. Melanchthon, who met the Elector about the 12th 
of October, induced him to change his Church discipline 
after the pattern of that of Nuremberg, although it still 
retained much that was Catholic. He wrote to Dietrich, 
that private masses were abolished, that the priests were 
permitted to marry, that the invocation of saints was abo- 
lished, that the preaching of the pure doctrine was 
enjoined, and that the Lord's Supper was distributed in 
both kinds. 



HELP IN A DANGEROUS ILLNESS. 167 



CHAPTER XIX. 

HELP IN A DANGEROUS ILLNESS. 

When lie returned, lie found the plague raging in Wit- 
tenberg. It had carried off his dear friend and brother- 
in-law, the jurist Sebald MUnsterer, together with his 
wife. He received their children into his own house ; but 
he himself felt seriously indisposed, and entertained ear- 
nest thoughts of death. On the 26th of October, he wrote 
to his beloved Dietrich in Nuremberg, that he was now 
standing in one of the climacterical years of human life, 
the forty-second year, which had proved the year of death 
to many ; that his strength had failed, partly because of 
the sorrows of the soul, and partly on account of his ex- 
cessive labors. He continues thus: "Although I might 
wish to live somewhat longer, on account of my children, 
and also on account of my books, yet I shall follow God 
with resignation, whenever it pleases him to call me away 
from this place. I am very glad that you so kindly offer 
your assistance to my son (Philip, then 14 years old), and 
I commend him to you ; for he will need the kindness of 
his friends, when I am gone. His moral character is good, 
but I cannot praise his temperament ; and I also believe 
that he does not possess sufficient talent to study." 

Although many fled on account of the plague, he was 
determined to remain in Wittenberg. "I will bear the 
present cross, as I have borne many other things ; God 
will put an end to it." At that time, when he was very 



168 LIFE OF MELANGIITHON. 

weak, and suffering mucli from sleeplessness, he made his 
will, from which we here present a few extracts, showing 
his truly Christian disposition. He began by declaring, 
that after the manner of the fathers, he wished to prepare 
his will, as a Confession for his friends and children, in 
order that they might abide by it at all times. ''And first 
of all do I return thanks to God, the Father of our Lord 
Jesus Christ, who was crucified for us, the Creator of all 
things, that he has called me to repentance and the know- 
ledge of the Gospel, and beseech him, for the sake of his 
Son, whom he has given as a sacrifice for us, that he would 
forgive my sins, accept of, and justify me, hear me, and 
deliver me from eternal death, as I also confidently trust 
he will do. For he has commanded us to believe it ; and 
it is a sin to think our sins greater than the death of the 
Son of God. I prefer him before my sins. But I pray 
that God would strengthen these beginnings of faith, by 
the Holy Ghost, for the sake of his Son, our mediator. I 
am indeed troubled concerning my own sins, and the 
oifences of others ; but I consider the death of the Son of 
God greater, so that Grace is mightier than sin." He then 
proceeds to confess his belief in the Apostles' and Nicene 
Creed, and the entire system of doctrine which he had so 
unequivocally declared in his Loci Communes, and the 
Epistle to the Romans. He warns his children against the 
Roman Church, which in many articles teaches the most 
corrupt doctrine. " I therefore beg my children to obey 
me in this, on account of the divine commandment, that 
they do not connect themselves with the Papists." He 
also particularly warns them against those frivolous persons 
who should deny the doctrines of the Son of God, and of 
the Holy Ghost, among whom he especially mentions Ser- 
vetus. He also defends himself against the suspicions of 



HELP IN A DANGEROUS ILLNESS. 169 

those who have said that he leaned to the side of the ene- 
my ; he calls God to witness that he never wished to do 
so. He never wished to spread any new doctrine, but 
adhered to that doctrine w^hich had been brought to light 
in these latter days, by Dr. Martin Luther. He therefore 
thanks this man of God, "firstly, because I have learned 
the Gospel from him ; and secondly, on account of his 
particular kindness towards me, which he has manifested 
in many acts of kindness ; and I wish that he may be al- 
ways revered as a father by the members of my family." 
Then he also gratefully mentions the Elector, Chancellor 
Brltck, his brother George, in Bretten, Camerarius, and a 
number of other friends. " I beseech them all kindly to 
forgive all my faults, if I have in any respect offended any 
of them ; I never wished to offend any one wilfully." But 
the Lord still needed him for important labors ; his health 
gradually returned, and he could again attend to his nume- 
rous duties. He published one of his best writings, '' On 
the Soul," about this time. Towards the close of this 
year, 1539, Bucer came to Wittenberg on account of a 
certain matter, which became a source of much bodily and 
mental distress to Melanchthon. 

The Landgrave, Philip of Hesse, had commissioned 
Bucer to solicit the opinions of the Wittenberg Theologians 
in a peculiar and very delicate matter. It did not refer to 
the general affairs of the Church, but a private, domestic 
affair of the Landgrave. For various reasons his affections 
had become alienated from his wife, and he believed that 
it would be better for him to form a new matrimonial con- 
nection than fall into sins of the flesh. Bucer brought an 
elaborate treatise with him, which justified this double 
marriage of the Landgrave, and now only wished that 
Luther and Melanchthon should also signify their approval 



170 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

of tliis step. The two Theologians delivered a " secret 
Confessor's advice," on the 10th of December, in which 
they show that God originally permitted man to have but 
one wife, and that this law, although God bore with its 
violation in the Old Covenant, was restored in the New 
Testament. But an exception should be made in the pre- 
sent case of necessity, in order to avoid greater evils ; yet 
without making it public, so that the enemies of the Gospel 
could not cry out that the Protestants were like the Ana- 
baptists, who took many wives at once.* With this wished- 
for advice, Bucer departed ; and after the Landgrave had 
also obtained a formal consent from his wife to form a 
second marriage, he was secretly married to Lady Margaret 
von der Saale, on the 3d of March, 1540, at Kothenburg 
on the Fulda. Melanchthon, who was at the time in Smal- 
kald attending a convention, was also invited, without being 
informed particularly of the character of the occasion. He 
was much offended because he was thus obliged to be pre- 
sent at the wedding, and never forgot this treatment of the 
Landgrave. But even upon the present occasion he ex- 
horted him to take better care of pastors and the teachers 
of the schools, to avoid the vices of fornication and adul- 
tery, and to remember David's punishment ; also, to keep 
this second marriage secret, and not permit it to be spoken 
of publicly. 

We have but now mentioned that Melanchthon was in 
Smalkald. He had gone thither on the 18th of February, 
1540. It was proposed to discuss the Religious Conven- 

* Those who wish to know more of this strange event, which has 
so often been used as an argument against the Wittenberg Reform- 
ers, will find a complete and excellent examination of it in Dr. John 
Bachman's "Defence of Luther and the Reformation against the 
charges of John BelHnger, M. D., and others." Page 153. 



HELP IN A DANGEROUS ILLNESS. 171 

tion here, which had been called to Spire. The Theolo- 
gians had already, in obedience to the Elector's orders, 
delivered their opinion, " whether the Evangelical princes 
should enter into a worldly peace with the Bishops, and 
whether they could yield anything to them in matters of 
religion." This document was signed by the Theologians 
on the first of March. It discussed doctrine, needful ex- 
ternal matters, and external indifferent matters, (adiaphora.) 
In the first article of doctrine, it does not depart from the 
Confession, and will not yield anything. The second arti- 
cle enumerates among external needful matters, the aboli- 
tion of private masses, of the canon of the mass, of monastic 
vows, of the celibacy of the priesthood, of the Invocation 
of saints, of all magical ceremonies, as, for instance, herbs, 
consecration of bells, &c., and required the restoration of 
the Holy Sacrament of the Lord's Supper. In this article 
also it does not yield anything. The tliird article speaks 
of external indifferent matters, of the power of the Bishops, 
ordination, reading, singing, holidays, and other ceremo- 
nies, and of possessions. They expressed the opinion that 
if Princes and Bishops would accept doctrine and the 
needful points, arrangements might be made with them in 
reference to the last point. Envoys were sent from Smal- 
kald to the Emperor, who was in Belgium at this time, to 
present the peaceful sentiments of the Protestants to him, 
and to pray him not to begin war. They returned with 
the most peaceful prospects, for the Emperor expressed his 
intention to institute further deliberations in regard to the 
harmony of the Churches. After Melanchthon had pre- 
pared another opinion, concerning the erroneous doctrines 
of Sebastian Franck and Caspar Schwenkfeldt, which was 
also signed by the Theologians, the Convention adjourned 
April 15th. Melanchthon returned by way of Erfurt, and 



ITi! LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

on the 4tli of May wrote to Dietrich that the Emperor did 
not as jet manifest an j hostility, although he had not pro- 
mised a certain peace. He, on this occasion, related that 
the Count-palatine Frederick had. conversed with the Em- 
peror in Spain, and had advised him to follow more mode- 
rate counsels. The Emperor promised him he would do 
so. He had not been long in Wittenberg, when he heard 
that the Emperor was willing to hold a convention at Spire. 
After having written a letter to the Emperor in Torgau, 
whither he had been called by the Elector, he departed in 
the beginning of June to attend this convention, which, 
according to the last orders, was to be held, not in Spire, 
but in Hagenau, in Alsatia. It is not to be wondered at, 
that he should have felt very unwell when he departed from 
Wittenberg, after so many exertions, and recent recovery 
from a severe illness. Before he departed, he deposited his 
last will with Cruciger. A large concourse of students and 
masters escorted him, and when he was crossing the bridge 
over the Elbe, he said : "We have lived upon Synods, and 
now we shall die there." With such thoughts of death he 
departed, and reached Weimar. Here he was obliged to 
remain for some time, because he was not sure whether he 
should go to Hagenau. Luther, at least, had written to 
the Elector beseeching him to see to it, " That each and 
every one of the delegates should be earnestly commanded, 
that they could not and should not depart from that 
which has now finally been harmoniously agreed upon a^t 
Smalkald." 

Melanchthon, however, was the person whose yielding 
temper was most objected to. He was at this time filled 
with indescribable dread, because a report reached his ears 
that the Landgrave intended to publish the secret advice 
of the Wittenbergers. He saw very well that its publica- 



HELP IN A DANGEROUS ILLNESS. ITS 

tion would not only place him in a very doubtful position, 
but would also greatly injure the cause of the Gospel. 
His sorrows almost consumed him, and he therefore wrote 
to Luther for consolation and support in this matter. He 
faithfully responded to this call. But this consolation did 
not help him, and he became seriously ill. But let us hear 
the account of old Batzeberger : " As it now also became 
known that the Landgrave had, besides his first wife, also 
married Lady von der Saale, and it was apparent that this 
deed would bring great disgrace and injury to the Gospel, 
Master Philip took it very much to heart. For he saw, if 
he went to Hagenau, that this would give the Lutherans a 
very severe blow. He was particularly grieved by this, 
because he had always looked upon this Landgrave, who 
had caused this great offence, with particular affection and 
hope. However, some assert, that he fell into this distress 
because he approved of this improper conduct of the Land- 
grave through the persuasions of his Court Chaplain, 
Dionysius, with which the court was afterwards highly 
displeased. He therefore became very sick at Weimar, 
more on account of sorrow and melancholy than anything 
else. His strength failed rapidly, and certain death 
seemed to be his only prospect. When he was thus se- 
riously and dangerously ill, the Elector sent for Luther, 
who rode day and night from Wittenberg, in order to see 
Philip before his death. When he arrived, he to his sorrow 
found him as he had already heard. His eyes were already 
dim, his reason was gone, he could not speak nor hear, and 
his countenance was loose and fallen ; having, as Luther said, 
a Hippocratical countenance. He recognized no one, and 
could neither eat nor drink. When Luther, unrecognized, 
looked upon him, he was greatly shocked, and said to his 
15* 



174 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

companion, God forbid ! how has the devil abused this in- 
strument ! and immediately turned to the window and 
earnestly prayed to God. Then, Luther said, God our 
Lord was obliged to listen to me. For I cast my burden 
before his door, and besieged his ear with all his promises 
that he would hear prayer, which I could remember in the 
Bible, so that he was obliged to hear me, if I was to trust 
his promises. 

He then took Philip by the hand, and said, "Be of 
good cheer, Philip, you will not die ! Although God has 
reason enough to take away life, yet he hath no pleasure 
in the death of the sinner, but that he should return from 
his ways and live. If God again called and received the 
greatest sinners who ever lived upon this earth, namely, 
Adam and Eve, he will not cast out thee, my Philip, nor 
suffer thee to perish in sins and sorrow. Therefore, do not 
give way to despondency, and do not murder yourself, but 
trust in the Lord, who is able to kill and make alive, 
wound and bind, scourge and heal again. For Luther 
fully understood the troubles of his heart and conscience. 
Vfhen he had thus held and addressed him, Philip began 
to draw his breath again, but could not say anything for a 
long time. He then turned his face towards Luther, and 
began to entreat him for God's sake not to detain him any 
longer ; that he was now upon a good journey, and that 
he should suffer him to proceed, for nothing better could 
happen to him. Luther replied : " By no means, Philip ; 
you must serve the Lord still longer." Philip became 
more and more animated, and Luther immediately ordered 
them to prepare some food, and took it to him himself. 
But Philip refused to taste it. Luther forced him, and 
said : " Do you hear, Philip ! you must eat, or I shall ex- 
communicate you. He was prevailed upon by such Ian- 



HELP IN A DANGEROUS ILLNESS. 175 

guage, so\hat he began to eat a little, and thus gradually 
regained ^rength." 

Melanchthon himself said of Luther : "If he had not 
come I should have died." The Elector also, who deeply 
sympathized with his sorrows and illness, comforted him 
iTi the most friendly manner : " Although it belongeth to 
God alone, according to his good pleasure, to bestow or 
take aiV3-y courage and comfort, yet you on your part must 
not fail to lay aside and forget the causes of your trouble, 
which, thanks to God ! are not so great in our estimation, 
that they should afflict you so deeply. We doubt not but 
that Almighty God will soon restore your cheerfulness, 
and with it your health." 

The Elector then requests him, as soon as he should be 
able to move, to come to Eisenach, with Luther and Jonas, 
because he needed them ; for letters and reports were con- 
stantly arriving from Hagenau. He gradually recovered, 
and, although it Avas with difficulty, he was able to leave 
for Eisenach on the 7th of July. On the 10th of July, 
Luther wrote concerning him to Wittenberg: ''Master 
Philip has been restored to life, as it were from the grave ; 
he looks sickly, yet lively, jests and lives with us, and eats 
and drinks in his own room and at table." 

Melanchthon himself wrote to Bugenhagen from Eise- 
nach : " I thank you heartily, best and dearest pastor, 
that you have comforted me in so Christian a manner, 
while I was absent, and visited with terrible afflictions in 
body and spirit, and that at home you assisted my wife by 
your counsels. I still feel my disease, although it has 
abated somewhat. If I should remain alive, I will be able 
to say that I have been restored from death to life, by the 
power of God. This is the testimony of all who were 
with me. Oh ! that I might thank God rightly, and live 



176 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

for his glory ! I commend myself, and the Church of 
Christ, to your prayers. I hope that he also (the Land 
grave), who has brought me into this great trouble, warned 
by my example, and the writings of our friends, will be 
more modest, and not publicly defend a scandalous affair. 
I have heard that he promised to listen to the counsels of 
our friends." In Eisenach, the Saxon and Hessian Theo- 
logians conferred concerning the double-marriage of the 
Landgrave. The Hessian Theologians, among them the 
court-chaplain, Dionysius Melander, wished the permission 
to publish the second marriage, to be granted to their 
Prince. An old account relates, that upon this Luther 
attacked them in so severe a manner, " that the water ran 
down their cheeks." The Wittenbergers insisted that this 
marriage should be concealed, like the secrets of the Con- 
fessional. On the 24th of July, Melanchthon himself 
WTote to the Landgrave, exhorting him to cover the matter, 
and not to give cause for its public discussion. He should 
prevent this, " not only on account of the evil reports and 
the offence, but also because it is no easy matter to defend 
this business plausibly." The Landgrave took this to 
heart, and for a long time bore the disgrace he so richly 
deserved. But when he sent forth a pamphlet, written by 
Bucer, yet without his name, which endeavored to justify 
his conduct, Melanchthon published a very severe reply 
to it. 

At the close of July, he returned to Wittenberg. 



WORMS AND EATISBON. 177 



CHAPTEE XX. 

WORMS AND RATISBON. 

The Convention at Hagenau was not successful. The 
Cliancellor of Treves here made a proposition, in the name 
of the Catholics, July 6th, 1540, that the points already 
disposed of in Augsburg, in 1530, should not be considered 
now, but they should merely discuss those on -v\-hich they 
could not agree there. The Protestants would not agree 
to this, and declared " that they could not recollect that 
any agreement in disputed matters had been reached in the 
Diet held at Augsburg." Finally, they obtained sight of 
a writing of Dr. Eck's, who had compared the articles 
agreed upon, and they sent it to the Elector with the 
remark: "Your Grace will be able to see from this, in 
what a childish and improper manner they have prepared 
these." The Convention adjourned without having come 
to an actual Religious Conference. This was now to be 
held in Worms, on the 28th of October of the same year. 
The Emperor was exceedingly anxious for a union ; but 
before the meeting was opened, the Elector requested the 
opinions of his Theologians. In this they resolved not to 
acknowledge the precedence or judicial power of the Pope 
in the Council, and also to reject those articles marked by 
Eck as agreed upon. The Elector positively enjoined upon 
his ambassadors, by no means to depart from the meaning 
or the words of the Augsburg Confession. Whenever 
Melanclithon, in his letters, referred to the coming religious 
conference, he always expressed the wish: " Oh ! that God 



178 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

would incline the hearts of the princes to magnify his glory, 
and to seek wholesome peace !" 

On the 18th of October, he set out with Cruciger. In 
Leipzig they took along with them the professors Sheubel, 
and Andrew France, called Camicianus; and in Eise- 
nach, Justus Menius, selected instead of Myconius. In 
Gotha he prepared the Protestation, in which he showed 
"how the Protestants should act in the present Conference, 
and whether the spiritual ambassador is to be acknowledged 
as judge in disputed questions." On the 31st of October 
they reached Worms ; and November 2d, he already wrote 
to Camerarius about the "shameless hypocrites," Eck, 
Cochlseus, Nausea, Mensinger, and others, who had been 
appointed to attend this Conference in behalf of the Catho- 
lics. " These men will pronounce sentence upon our heads, 
although they do not understand our cause, and are burn- 
ing with hatred, and have stained their hearts and hands 
with the blood of the godly. But if an opportunity should 
present itself to explain our affairs, I shall with God's help 
endeavor to unfold those useful views which we contend 
for, clearly, truly, and without perversion. This I can do 
so much better, because I have ceased to regard the will 
of the princes, and on this account have an easier con- 
science than I had before." And to Dietrich he wrote: 
"Even if Spanish and French gentlemen Avere standing 
before the gates, I would not approve of these double- 
tongued articles." He adhered steadfastly to this resolu- 
tion. But the Convention was not opened for a long time, 
owing to the delay of the Imperial Commissioner, Gran- 
VELLA, "of whom it is said, that he is at present the heart 
of the Emperor Charles," although the Papal Nuncio, a 
brother of the well-known Cardinal Campegius, had arrived 
at the proper time. 



WORMS AND RATISBON. 179 

He formed the centre, around whom the enemy gathered 
to discuss their plans. More and more enemies arrived in 
Worms, in order that they might command a respectable 
position on account of their numbers. "But God, the 
Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, will protect us, whom do 
you also call upon to preserve and rule his Church," — 
thus Melanchthon wrote to Jonas. The Protestants enter- 
tained the hope that Granvella "would exert himself to 
obtain peace, even if no union or agreement could be 
effected." Melanchthon at this time did not visit any of 
the decided enemies ; however, he went to a few of those 
who wished to be considered somewhat moderate. He 
wrote to Dietrich: "These wish to persuade me to consider 
the whole diff"erence a mere contention about words. I 
answered, as Aristides said to Themistocles, that Athens 
would not have peace until they both should be drowned 
in the sea ; so w^e also, on both sides, deserved the severest 
punishment if we were confusing the Church by a mere 
contention about words." At last the Imperial Envoy 
Granvella arrived, November 22d, and opened the session 
on the 25th with an address, in which he entreated the 
States with tears to come to an agreement, and conjured 
them to " unite again the rent mantle of Christ, and think 
of your name as Christians which you received in Holy 
Baptism, and also of your own highly-renowned German 
nation." They disputed a long time as to the manner in 
which the religious discussion should be conducted. The 
Catholics would have preferred settling the matter as 
rapidly as possible without entering upon a regul/ir dis- 
cussion, although the final decree of Hagenau, and also the 
Imperial Proclamation, demanded that the separate articles 
of the Augsburg Confession and its Apology should be do 



180 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON, 






bated in a friendly and Christian manner, but not so as to 
be obligatory. 

While these useless negotiations were carried on, Me- 
lanchthon was surprised by a visit from Camerarius on the 
9th of December. This was an excellent opportunity for 
interchange of thought and friendly conversations. When^ 
Camerarius returned, Melanchthon sent a letter to the 
physician Fuciis, in Tiibingen, by him: "I have been re- 
stored from death to life so short a time, that I still bea,r 
about the remains of my sickness and sufferings. I am 
heartily obliged to Joachim, that he wished to alleviate 
these by his visit." 

When Eck had prepared a form of agreement on the 
articles of Original Sin and Justification, concerning which 
there was a great difference of opinion, the Catholics were 
anxious that it should be brought to vote. Eck must have 
considered his form a very excellent one, for he in various 
places made use of the ridiculous expression, that they 
could not obtain a better one from Calcutta in India. The 
Catholics were not at all pleased when even the envoys ot 
the Palatinate, of Brandenburg, and Jiilich would not ac- 
cept of this. Melanchthon wrote to Luther : ^' These 
acknowledged, in a modest but determined manner, that 
they approved of our opinions, as included and explained 
in the Confession and Apology." In a memorial addressed 
to Granvella by Melanchthon, the Protestants demanded 
that the matter should be discussed in a calm and Christian 
manner in the public assembly, and rejected the secret 
movements of their opponents, who merely wished ambi- 
guous and entangling articles subscribed. On Pecember 
22d he also addressed a private letter to Granvella, in 
which he lays before him the necessity of a public discus- 
sion, and says : " The Church will be benefited if we esta- 



WORMS AND RATISBON. 181 

blish a pure and useful doctrine. I am conscious of my 
own weakness ; yet as far as I am concerned, I do not fear 
the judgment of honorable and learned men, nor moderate 
counsels." After long debates, it was at last agreed upon 
that Eck and Melanchthon should debate the matter in the 
presence of all. At last, January 14th, 1541, they began 
the debate, in the presence of the Imperial envoy Gran- 
vella. Melanchthon published an account of this discus- 
sion, which lasted but four days. We will present parts 
of this, to show that notwithstanding all his love of peace, 
he also adhered steadfastly to the truth. 

An old account, speaking of his and Eck's speeches, 
says that they compared with each other like the song of a 
nightingale with that of a raven. They first discussed 
Original Sin. Eck opened the debate, and at once asserted 
the Augsburg Confession and Apology handed to him had 
been altered in many articles, and did not agree with the 
former ones. It was certainly an arbitrary act on the part 
of Melanchthon, to make alterations in those documents, 
which had acquired a public character. But he explained 
that his alterations did not affect the substance, but merely 
the form of expression, which was "milder and clearer" 
now. Eck was not at all willing to grant this, especially 
when he regarded the tenth article, on the Lord's Supper. 
However, he proceeded, passing over the first article, be- 
cause both sides agreed in this, and came to the second 
article, of Original Sin. He was not willing to admit that 
it was really Sin, but it is merely a want of hereditary 
righteousness, not of remaining gifts ; and the evil lust, 
which remains after Baptism, cannot be properly called 
Sin. Melanchthon says : " Eck has at last admitted that the 
evil inclination, which remains in the saints, is a fault, op- 
posed to God's commandment ; but the word sin he wished 
16 



182 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

to be confined to imforgiven sins." Eck had disputed in 
the same way in Augsburg. But secretly he had said here 
and there that the views of the opposite side were really 
true. Melanchthon writes : " What a crime against his 
convictions, that he should defend such a thing ! But I 
trust that he has been refuted in a sufficiently clear 
manner." 

Granvella listened very attentively, and it is said of 
him, that he declared he would faithfully report everything 
to his Sovereign, and also what he thought of the cause 
of the Protestants, which was not as foolish as their oppo- 
nents represented it to be. They disputed on Original 
Sin for four days, and at last Eck proposed a form of 
agreement which did not oppose the Augsburg Confession. 
They were now about to proceed to discuss the article of 
Bighteousness, or Justification, for which Melanchthon was 
very anxious ; but on January 18, an Imperial decree was 
published to the assembly, which postponed this Religious 
Conference to the diet soon to be held in Batisbon. Thus 
they left Worms again, and were obliged to confess that 
their journey had been entirely unsuccessful. 

All were now eagerly waiting for the diet. Melanch- 
thon, in a letter, says : " God grant Grace, that something 
profitable for the Churches and the general peace may be 
accomplished at this diet." Yet he looked forward to this 
diet^with a troubled heart, not because he feared a reli- 
gious discussion with the enemy, but rather because he did 
not approve of the plans of the Evangelical princes, par- 
ticularly those of the Landgrave Philip. Concerning the 
latter he expressed himself in the very strongest terms. 
Luther had entreated the Elector to excuse Philip from 
this journey ; but the Elector could not grant this request, 
because he needed able men at this diet; yet he also 



WORMS AND llATISBON. 183 

trusted confidently that as lie " intended to abide faithfully 
to the end in the truth revealed, and the pure doctrine of 
the divine word," so also would all the other allies in the 
faith present at this diet "■ steadfastly adhere to that which 
hecometh the honor of God, and the extension of his saving 
word." The Elector, deeply interested in the preservation 
of pure doctrine, gave explicit directions to his counsellors 
how they were to act in Ratisbon. He particularly re- 
garded Melanchthon with a watchful eye. He was ordered 
to reside with the counsellors of the Elector. If any per- 
son wished to converse with him there, it should be done 
in the presence of the counsellors. " And altogether 
Philip should take heed not to go out too much, but rather 
remain in his lodgings and with the counsellors, even as 
he himself will best know how he ought to act." 

He departed, with Cruciger, on the 14th of March. 
Erom Leipzig he wrote home : " May God bless and over- 
rule this journey and all our acts, that they may be under- 
taken for the honor of God, the growth of the Gospel, the 
welfare of the Church, and the peace of the Empire." 
March 16, in the evening, he reached Altenburg, and there 
united with the other delegates. But on the Bavarian 
frontier he met with a misfortune, for the carriage was 
overturned, and he strained the wrist of his right hand so 
seriously that he could not use it ; and it was thought for 
some time that it was broken. He not only arrived in 
Ratisbon in great pain, but could not use his hand for a 
considerable time. He dictated his letters to Cruciger, 
whom he therefore called his "other self." On the 4th 
of April, he for the first time, and with great difiiculty, 
wrote to Eber in Wittenberg, and expresses the wish that 
God might make him a useful instrument in the Church. 
On the following day the diet was opened by the Emperor 



184 



LIFE OF MELANCHTHON, 



himself. He expressed his wish to restore harmony, and 
thought the best way to accomplish this would be to ap- 
point honorable and peaceable persons, who should discuss 
the contested articles of religion, and endeavor to bring 
about a compromise. They should then make a report, 
and finally consult with the Papal nuncio Contarini, 
whom the Emperor called a friend of peace. Melanch- 
thon wrote to Dietrich: ^' This is a dangerous business, 
and therefore our friends have been disputing for two days 
among themselves. The more determined of them will 
only agree to a continuation of the discussion of Worms, 
but others are willing to permit the Emperor to try this 
new way." The opinion of the latter was at last given to 
the Emperor as the decision of the Protestants. He ap- 
pointed Pflug, Eck, and Groper, of the Catholics ; and 
Melanchthon, Bucer, and Pistorius, of the Protestants, to 
discuss the articles.* 

The Count Palatine Frederick, and Granvella, were to 
ofiiciate as moderators during this discussion ; and some 
other persons were also appointed to attend as hearers and 
witnesses. Burkard, in a letter to chancellor Briick, thus 
judges the different speakers at this Conference: "What 
hope of the spread of truth can be entertained, when they 
take the drunken Eck for such important matters, who 
values wine more than all religion ? Julius (Pflug) is alto- 
gether dependent upon the Pope ; the third, Groper, is a 
worthy, modest, and not unlearned man, but he will be 
overcome by the noise on the one side, and by craftiness 
on the other, and perhaps he will also introduce his own 

"" Melanchthon wrote an enigma upon the names of these persons, 
playing upon the German words Pflug (plow), Eck (harrow), Groper 
(digging), &c. As this could not retain its njeaning in a translation, 
we have omitted it from the text. — T. 



WORMS AND RATISBON. 185 

peculiar opinions, whicli do not altogether agree witli the 
truth of the Gospel. I have confidence in all our Theolo- 
gians here present, and am convinced that they will not 
forsake the truth." 

Before the debate began, the Emperor summoned them 
into his .presence, and exhorted them, in a very conde- 
scending manner, that they should transact this matter in 
a friendly manner, and not lose sight of the glory of God, 
and the general welfare. The Catholics now wished that 
they would begin with the disputed articles, the Lord's 
Supper, the power of the Church, the pope, masses, secret 
masses, monastic vows, celibacy of priests, and the one 
kind in the Sacrament, and then pass over to the articles 
of Justification, of merit, and of good works. By this 
we can easily see, that at the outset they were anxious 
to frustrate the discussion. But when the discussion 
was about to begin, on April 27th, the Emperor pre- 
sented a book, which contained an attempt to reconcile 
these articles, with the direction ''that the persons selected 
should examine it, and correct whatever was opposed to 
Holy Scripture, but sufier everything Christian to remain." 
This book was afterwards called the Batishon hooh, and 
also the Ratishon Interim^ and was known to the Witten- 
bergers before. For the Margrave Joachim, of Brandon- 
burg, had already sent it to Luther, that he might give his 
opinion, as early as February 4th. Luther said of it : 
" These people (the authors of the book), whoever they are, 
mean very well, but their propositions are impossible, and 
such as the Pope, Cardinals, Bishops, and Prebendaries, . 

can never agree to Besides this, it contains many 

points which our side will not and cannot adopt. The best 
thing to be done, would be to appoint pious and learned 
men to judge what and where is God's word." The author 
16* 



186 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

of the book was not known with certainty ; some looked 
upon Wizel as the author, others, Groper. Melanchthon 
believed that Groper had prepared it, with the help of a 
young Imperial Counsellor, Gerhard Volcruck, and also 
Bucer's ; that he had presented it to Capito, and then sent 
it to the Landgrave Philip, and the Elector of Branden- 
burg. By the last it had been sent to Luther. The book 
contained 23 articles, which were treated in such a manner 
that they could be called half-Catholic, and half-Protestant. 
Thus it came to pass as Luther had said, that it neither 
gave satisfaction to the Catholics nor to the Protestants. 
But as the Emperor valued it highly, and wished it to be 
made the basis of their deliberations, this was done, " al- 
though I was much afraid," says Melanchthon, ''that this 
book would cause no little strife." They passed over the 
first articles, of creation, the perfect state oT man before 
the fall, of free will, of the origin of sin, and of original 
sin, without any difficulty. Now they came to the article 
on Justification. This was not at all satisfactory to either 
party, and therefore they substituted another. Eck had 
proposed a formula, but Melanchthon objected to it. They 
disputed about it for several days, and at last agreed to a 
formula, concerning which the Saxon counsellors wrote to 
the Elector, that in the main it was not opposed to the 
Augsburg Confession and the Apology, "and that the 
words employed were sufficiently clear, so that it could not 
be perverted to a misunderstanding." The counsellors 
highly commended the firmness of their Theologians, and 
Melanchthon in particular. They relate to the Elector, 
that Melanchthon had expressed himself before all the 
Theologians and Granvella, to the following effect : •' that 
he would rather die than yield anything against his con- 
science and the truth, for it would bring about his death, 



WORMS AND KATISBON. 187 

for he could not reconcile it to liis conscience." But the 
Elector was by no means pleased with the formula of 
agreement in regard to justification, which they had sent 
to him; for he thought that their opponents wished "either 
entirely to cast aside, or at least obscure, the doctrine that 
we are saved by faith alone." He therefore laid this for- 
mula before Dr. Luther and Pomeranus, who could not but 
say that it might easily lead to a misunderstanding. He 
therefore, May 13th, informed his counsellors that he could 
not possibly agree to it. However, Luther entreated the 
Elector " not to write too severe a letter to Melanchthon 
and his friends, lest he should again trouble himself to 
death. For they have still retained our beloved Confes- 
sion, and have adhered steadfastly to this, even if every 
thing else should fail." The Elector, who had intended to 
go to Ratisbon himself, now remained at home, and sent 
Amsdorf, a man who strictly adhered to the Confession, in 
his place. He and the Duke of Pomerania arrived in 
Ratisbon on the 13th of May. 

The next point to be discussed, was the article of the 
Church. It w^as very easy to predict that this would be 
an apple of discord, for the Katisbon book maintained that 
there must be a power in the Church to interpret the Bible, 
and that private individuals did not enjoy this power ; also, 
that no private individual has the right to oppose the 
majority. Much contention ensued, in which Granvella 
himself mingled, and said to Melanchthon, he should read 
the article more carefully. Melanchthon replied, "that he 
had read it frequently, and even in Wittenberg ; but they 
should know that he could not, and would not approve of 
it. For if the power referred to by them, was to be given 
to the Councils, many errors of former Councils must be 
sanctioned, and posterity would also be grievously burdened 



188 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

thereby. " Melanchtlion was so determined that they could 
not agree, and they were obliged to pass on to other arti- 
cles. The book next spoke of the doctrine of the Sacra- 
ments. Melanchthon consented to retain Confirmation^ 
although all abuses connected with it should be abolished, 
the Catechism studied diligently, and '' true and earnest 
prayer" connected with it. 

When the article on the Lord's Supper was made the 
order of the day, it caused a violent debate, which lasted 
for eight days. The Catholics presented a formula de- 
claring transubstantiation, and maintained all the abuses 
which had crept into the Roman Church on account of this 
false doctrine. Melanchthon had before given the warning 
in vain, that Eck ought not to be permitted to indulge in 
his bullying and abusing, otherwise "he might kindle a 
fire which he would not be able to extinguish."* The 
Protestants referred to the gross abuses attending the car- 
rying about and adoration of the Sacrament, and also 
spoke of the ridiculous case which had already been dis- 
cussed by the Catholics in their own writings, what a mouse 
was eating when she gnaws the consecrated bread. The 
Protestants adhered to the doctrine of the Bible and of the 
ancient Church, that the Sacraments are only Sacraments 
when they are used, and not so when they are not used. 
It was during this contest, manfully waged by the Protest- 

■^ Eck, during the heat of disputation, made use of some puzzling 
sophism, at which Melanchthon paused to revolve the statement in 
his mind, and at length replied : " I will give you an answer to- 
morrow." *'0h," said his antagonist, "there is no merit or honor 
in that, if you cannot answer me immediately." To which he re- 
plied in these memorable words : ** My good Doctor, I am not seek- 
ing my own glory in this business, but truth ; I say then, God 
willing, you shall have an answer to-morrow." — [Adam. Lives of 
Germ. Theolog. Cox.) 



wo 11 MS AND RATISBON. 189 

ants, that, as Melanclitlion tells us, "Eck became sick, 
having become too excited, perhaps, and drinking so exces- 
sively afterwards, that a fever followed." The articles on 
Confession and Satisfaction again led to violent discussions, 
because Groper insisted upon the enumeration of particular 
sins. He thought, as the Church had the right of binding 
and loosing, this was a court of justice, where it was neces- 
sary for the Judge to hear the case ; and because in Con- 
fession, satisfaction was imposed to heal the wounds, the 
priest ought to know beforehand whether the injury is great 
or small. Melanchthon disproved these propositions, and 
proposed a milder article. Granvella was greatly dis- 
pleased at this, and said "many evil words" to Melanch- 
thon. ''So that," he relates himself, "the next day, at 
the beginning of the debate, I complained, and said if it 
was intended that I should not express my opinions, I 
would stay away in future." The Envoy excused himself, 
and pacified him. The article concerning the order of 
Church Government^ and the power of the Bishops, again 
brought about a sharp conflict. When he observed that it 
had been prepared in a very sly manner, " I became very 
impatient, and opposed the entire article," he reports him- 
self. They simply wished to retain the entire Papacy. 
Melanchthon was here obliged not only to battle against 
the Catholics, but also with Bucer and the Hessian chan- 
cellor. Granvella assured him, that if he would not accept 
this article, he would prevent the entire work of Reforma- 
tion. Even the Elector Joachim sent a deputy to him, to 
urge him to accept this article. Melanchthon says: "I 
gave him a very short answer." They then considered the 
articles on the Invocation of Saints, Masses, One kind, 
Celibacy, and Monastic Life. Melanchthon remarks : 
"Although there was much opposition, we presented coun- 



190 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

ter-articles to all these." Because lie adhered to the truth, 
which he had discovered and confessed in a determined 
manner, prompted partly by his own conscience and the 
exhortations of the Elector and his counsellors, he was 
declared to be a stubborn person, and he was even accused 
to the Emperor. The latter expressed himself very unfa- 
vorably in regard to him to the Landgrave Philip. He 
was particularly accused of being governed by Luther, and 
also led by the French ambassador. Under these circum- 
stances, Melanchthon believed it necessary to defend him- 
self before the Emperor against these unjust accusations. 
He addressed a letter to him, of which we shall communi- 
cate some parts. He declares in the most positive manner 
that he had no instructions from Luther, and was not at 
all connected with the French ambassador, and that his 
Elector had only given the general direction, that they 
should not depart from the truth. " This is a direction 
which must be deeply engraven upon every heart, without 
the orders of an Elector." Further on he says : "I have 
always acted according to my own convictions, and have 
never contended about useless things." He then proceeds 
to speak of Councils, and of Auricular Confession, showing 
their want of foundation ; and also, that he had sought 
peace. " However, even moderation must have its bounds. 
That Truth, which the Son of God revealed to us from the 
bosom of the Father, should shine in the Church. And I 
wish your Imperial Majesty could see into my heart, so that 
you might judge truthfully what my endeavors in regard to 
these disputes have been for many years. A true, scrip- 
turally developed, and sure doctrine, and one that will be 
beneficial to the Church, must be found." He concludes 
this letter, so faithful to the Confession, in the following 
manner ; ^' I know that our doctrine is the doctrine of the 



WORMS AND RATISBON. 191 

true Catholic Churcli, and I believe that many wise men 
confess the same. But these believe that we have gone 
farther in the abolition of abuses than was necessary. 
They wish to retain a species of adoration of the saints, 
private masses, and the like. Therefore they wish us to 
take a step backwards, and to approve the first germs of 
these abuses. As I am not able to do this, I again 
urgently pray for my dismissal." The Elector rejoiced at 
this firmness, and therefore wrote to his counsellors : "We 
have with great satisfaction heard that Magister Philip 
proves himself firm and faithful in this business, and hope 
that Almighty God will graciously sustain him in this 
course." 

On the 16th of May, the religious discussion was brought 
to a close ; and May 31, the Protestants presented a me- 
morial to the Emperor, in which they refer to nine articles 
in particular, which they could not accept on any consi- 
deration. They treated of the Church, the Sacrament, 
the enumeration of particular sins in Confession, of Satis- 
faction, of the Unity of the Church and Ordination, of 
the Saints, the Mass, Secret Masses, and the Celibacy of 
the Priesthood. We may easily understand that the Em- 
peror, who was very desirous of a union, was not at all 
satisfied with such a conclusion. As he believed that very 
much depended upon Luther in this matter, he even sent a 
deputation to him. It was composed of Prince John of 
Anhalt, Matthias von ScHULENBURa, and Alexander 
Alesius. They arrived in Wittenberg on the 7th of June, 
and conferred with him a few days. But they did not find 
a hearing here ; for Luther's motto was the word, once 
expressed in a letter to the Elector : " It is impossible to 
reconcile Christ and the serpent." They therefore re- 



192 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

turned to Ratisbon without effecting their purpose. Me- 
lanchthon expressed himself in a very decided and clear 
manner in regard to the Ratisbon book, in an address to 
the States. He says of the rejected articles : " I will not 
accept one of them, nor patch at them any more." Of 
the omitted articles, to which Confirmation and Extreme 
Unction belong, he said: "We would not contend much 
about these, if we could agree in other points." He then 
speaks of the articles which were looked upon as agreed 
upon, while they were nevertheless not agreed upon. He 
here had many objections to make to the book in reference 
to Justification, the state of Grace, Sin, and the like. He 
concludes his opinion in these beautiful words : "I cannot 
and will not accept this book, and pray God, the Father 
of our Lord Jesus Christ, that he would grant good coun- 
sels and help to us all, and that he would guard and rule 
his Church, which he has redeemed by his Son unto eter- 
nal life, and which he still wonderfully preserves. How- 
ever, in order that each and every one may know what I 
believe, I wish to declare by this, that I hold the doctrine 
of our Church, as it is contained in our Confession and 
Apology, and that, with the help of God, I intend to abide 
by it. I also thank God that he has again illuminated his 
Church, and would not wish to give any occasion to darken 
the pure doctrine again." But the Catholics rejected the 
book also ; Eck called it an insipid book, and expressed 
himself against it in the most decided manner. 

Now the final decree of the Diet was to be issued. The 
Protestants previously, however, presented their declara- 
tion, prepared by Melanchthon, who, at the Emperor's 
request, also delivered an opinion concerning the Refor- 
mation, on the 18th of July. He was willing to grant 



WORMS AND RATISBON. 193 

temporal power to the Bishops, an opinion which he ex- 
pressed at different times, without considering what dan- 
gers this must necessarily cause. At last, on the 29th of 
July, the recess of the Diet took place. The religious 
difficulties were postponed, to be decided at a Council soon 
to be held, or postponed to the next diet, in case no Coun- 
cil should be convened within 15 months. The Peace of 
Nuremberg was to be observed until that time. 

On the 30th of July, Melanchthon departed from Ratis- 
bon. He did not go by way of Nuremberg, although he 
had been invited thither in the most urgent manner, but 
came to Leipzig, where he zealously labored to have his 
beloved friend Camerarius called to the University. He 
thus speaks of his friend in a letter to Duke Henry: 
" He is peaceable, modest, and sincere, and so learned in 
Philosophy and Eloquence, that he is excelled by few in 
foreign and German lands." In consequence of this the 
Duke called him. 

When, to the great sorrow of the Protestants, Duke 
Henry was gathered unto his fathers, the young Duke 
Maurice entered upon the government with the most 
promising prospects. During his reign Camerarius came 
to Leipzig, and thus into the vicinity of his friend Me- 
lanchthon. 

17 



194 



LIFE OE MELANCHTHON. 



CHAPTER XXI. 



PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION. 



"While the Protestants were enjoying a period of rest, 
because tlie Emperor was busily occupied with the Turks 
and the pirates of Algiers, the work of the Reformation 
advanced more and more. And where it could not be 
done peacefully, the power of the princes was now and 
then employed. In the beginning of the year 1541, the 
Bishop of JSFaumburg-Zeitz had died, and the Chapter 
elected the well-known Julius von Pflug, Bishop. When 
the Elector John Frederick heard of this, he pronounced 
the election invalid, not only because the citizens in that 
region had long since been friends of the Gospel, but also 
because the right of protectorship of the Bishopric be- 
longed to him. He proceeded upon the almost unbounded 
right of sovereignty — even over the Church, and we can- 
not expect anything else from him, but that he would 
appoint a decidedly Evangelical Bishop to this important 
see. He asked the advice of his Theologians, who, in 
their opinion, likewise took for granted, that the right of 
electing the Bishop belonged to him. They advised him 
to elect a Christian man, and at the same time one who 
was descended from a princely family. 

The Chapter, which was ordered to proceed to another 
election, refused to do so ; so that the Elector found him- 



PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION. 195 

self compelled to interfere by force of arms, notwithstand- 
ing the threats of the Emperor. On the first of November, 
the Wittenbergers prepared an Opinion in regard to the 
election of the Bishop, in which they express a wish that 
the chapter of Naumburg might be preserved, because 
encouragement to study was thus given to the nobility, 
although the chapter itself must be improved and reformed 
in a Christian manner. If the chapter wished to elect 
another man, it ought not to be ''a young fellow," but a 
man ^'who has an affection for Christian doctrine, and 
proper exercises in the Church, and would altogether set a 
good example." They propose Prince George Von 
Anhalt, who is especially recommended by Melanchthon, 
who gives him this testimony, that "he rightly understands 
the doctrine of the Gospel, is pious, and would care for the 
interests of the Church." Against the opinion prevailing 
in regard to the prince, that he merely wished to do things 
by halves, Melanchthon declared that, on the contrary, the 
prince wished no patch-work in doctrine, and would not 
listen to any articles, in Ratisbon, which could be twisted. 
The Licentiate Amsdorf, however, Superintendent of Mag- 
deburg, could not be prevailed upon to accept a bishopric. 
The Opinion generally demands a thorough Reformation, 
a pious, reasonable preacher, " who would not preach the 
Church empty," abolition of the mass, and good schools. 
The Bishop and the Canons should not grant any power to 
the Bishop ; and the noblemen who should be elected 
Canons, should not merely be hunters and idle persons, 
but able men. Even if the Chapter should retain the right 
of election, the Elector should nevertheless retain his 
power, to see to it that proper persons would be elected, 
and improper ones rejected. But, as before remarked, the 
Chapter would not proceed to another election ; and ano- 



196 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

tlier Opinion adjudged the right to the Elector, under these 
circumstances, to nominate a proper person for the see, to 
the nobility and the senators of the cities, " in order that 
the churches and country might be supplied." The Elector 
placed great confidence in Amsdorf, and succeeded in 
having him elected Bishop. On the 10th of January, he 
was installed into his office in the presence of Melanchthon, 
who had been appointed to reform the churches and schools 
in the See. From this time, this region enjoyed the 
blessed influences of the Gospel. 

A Reformation was also to be brought about in the Elec- 
torate of Cologne. The present Elector, and Archbishop 
Herman, Count of Wied, was a friend of the Evangelical 
doctrine, and had for several years been actively engaged 
in improving Church matters. It is true that he was 
counselled by Groper, with whom we became acquainted at 
the Diet of Ratisbon. But now he wished to make further 
advances, with the assistance of Melanchthon and Bucer. 
Bucer had come to Bonn at the close of the year 1542, in 
order to begin the Reformation. In January, 1543, the 
Archbishop sent Magister Erdmann to Wittenberg, to in- 
vite Melanchthon to Bonn for the same purpose. The 
Landgrave Philip also urged him to go thither. He re- 
plied to him, that it was to be feared that the Chapter of 
the Archbishop would not yield, and that the Pope would 
urge them to elect another Bishop. That he was willing 
to venture his body and life for such a pious old prince. 
'' But such a work requires men who are able to preach, 
and so to present the truth to the people, that they may 
be encouraged, and not deterred by the opposition of the 
other side." He also excused himself on account of his 
numerous duties in the University, and thought that even 
if the Elector desired a true change, yet those in power 



PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION. 19T 

only labored to bring about a Reformation, in wbich the 
adoration of the saints, and daily masses, might still find 
a place. On the 12th of March, Bucer wrote a very 
pressing letter to induce him to come, as his labors could 
be completed in 10 or 12 days. But he did not go. In 
April, Father Medmann again appeared in Wittenberg in 
behalf of the aged Elector, in order to induce him to come. 
He sent him with a letter to his own Elector and lord, in 
which he declared that he had no inclination to go, but 
also added : ''I will obey whatever your Electoral Grace 
may order in this matter." The Elector, ''because this is 
a godly and Christian work," at once gave him leave of 
absence for six or seven weeks. He also allowed him one 
hundred gold florins, and two troopers as an escort. 

On the 17th of April he departed, accompanied by 
Justus Jonas, the son of the Rector, and Jerome 
ScHREiBER, and reached Bonn, where the Archbishop 
resided, on the 4th of May. He writes to some one, that 
two plans of reformation had been proposed ; one, w^hich 
was simple and pure, prepared by Bucer ; the other, by 
Groper, who endeavored to excuse and establish abuses, as 
we may suppose from the book of Ratisbon. What strange 
sights met his eyes here! He writes to Camerarius: "You 
could not look without tears upon the ruin of the churches 
here, in which crowds of people still daily run to the 
images of the Saints. This is the main thing of religion, 
in the eyes of the ignorant multitude." He wrote the 
same to Bugenhagen, and especially referred to the deplo- 
rable ignorance of the clergy. And yet Groper, in his 
own way, wished to hold fast this state of things. The 
aged Archbishop, of whom Melanchthon says that he has 
the best intentions, " confesses that an improvement is 
necessary, and protests that he wishes a true and thorough 
17* 



198 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

reformation, and that he is not afraid of dangers." He 
therefore placed more confidence in Bucer than in Groper. 
Although the nobility and the cities expressed themselves 
favorable to such a reformation, they were opposed by 
Cologne and the Chapter. The Landgrave informed the 
Archbishop that he and the other allies would come to his 
assistance, should it be necessary. Pistorius assisted 
Bucer. 

Melanchthon writes to Luther of both these men, that 
their preaching was largely attended, and that they taught 
pure and correct doctrine. He superintended their labors, 
and wrote to Cruciger, May 23d, that the entire work was 
almost completed, and that he would extricate himself as 
soon as possible. A short time before this, he also sent a 
little letter to his son Philip, which we cannot bear to omit 
here: "Although I have public cares enough, I yet also 
bear the domestic ones about with me. These you should 
lighten by your diligence and obedience, especially as you 
know with how much love we have raised and cared for 
you. I therefore admonish you, that you walk in the fear 
of God, and strive, first of all, to please God, the eternal 
Judge, and then also good men, and that you will show 
greater diligence and care in this for my sake. Heartily 
obey your mother, whom you could already support by 
your age and virtue." 

It was already known at Rome what they were doing in 
Cologne. The Pope, therefore, sent an admonition to 
that city, of which Melanchthon writes : " He buries Christ, 
and promises a change of affairs." But the Archbishop 
did not permit this to terrify him. When the plan or book 
of the Reformation was finished, it was read to him, in the 
presence of the dean of the cathedral, Count von Stolberg, 
and other counsellors. Six days were spent in reading 



PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION. 199 

and discussing it. The Bible, translated by Luther, was 
lying before them. The Elector himself looked for the 
passages referred to. He approved of the book, and it 
was also unanimously adopted by the chamber of deputies. 
But the Chapter and Clergy of Cologne, led by Groper, 
were most decidedly opposed to it. And at the same time 
the superstitious populace was excited against it, and their 
opposition was considerably increased by a lampoon written 
by a Carmelite monk named Billig. 

Towards the end of July, Melanchthon departed, and 
passed through Frankfort, where he closed a dispute con- 
cerning some customs in the Lord's Supper; and also 
through Weimar, where the Court wished to see him, and 
arrived in Wittenberg on the 15th of August. It is true 
he had been absent for a longer time than had been allowed 
by the Elector. So much more did the professors and 
students rejoice who had gone to meet and escort him into 
the city. A few days afterwards he wrote to Dietrich : 
" The Reformation of the Church is, by the grace of God, 
progressing very finely in the territory of Cologne ;" and 
to Matthesius : ^' The Reformation is already introduced 
into several cities, and pious and learned preachers teach 
faithfully and purely. We will pray God that he would 
suffer the light of his truth to shine far and wide, and also 
preserve it." Great as his hopes of a prosperous progress 
of the Reformation in the Electorate of Cologne were, he 
was obliged to relinquish them to a considerable degree, 
when he heard that the refractory Chapter had accused 
the aged Archbishop before the Pope and the Emperor. 
Finally the old man was deposed from his office, and the 
work of Reformation, which had thus been commenced, was 
extino-uislied. 



200 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 



CHAPTER XXII. 

THE SCHOOL OF TRIBULATION. 

We have learned before that Melanchthon was compelled 
to pass through much tribulation. But the year 1544 is 
particularly marked in this respect. Domestic afflictions 
are certainly among the bitterest we are called upon to 
bear, and such he amply experienced. His favorite 
daughter, Anna, had formed an unhappy marriage with 
the poet Sabinus, who was a frivolous debauchee, and 
wished to be divorced from her. However, the Lord sepa- 
rated them by the death of Anna, in 1547. We shall 
speak of this again. His son Philip also gave him much 
trouble. While he was yet a student of law, about nine- 
teen years old, he was betrothed to a young woman of 
Leipzig, without the knowledge of his parents. This grieved 
his father exceedingly. 

But he was still more troubled on account of his rela- 
tions with Luther, with whom he was at variance at this 
time. This was caused by Melanchthon's changed views 
of the doctrine of the Lord's Supper. We have remarked 
before that it was an arbitrary act on his part, and one 
which has done much harm, to alter the Augsburg Confes- 
sion. For it was not his private work, but a public Con- 
fession. He altered this document in the editions of 1533 
and 1535, but it was not until the year 1540 that he pub- 
lished a greatly changed edition. An old account says 
that Luther found fault with him on this account, and said 



SCHOOL OF TRIBULATION. 201 

to him : ^' Philip, you are not acting rightly in altering the 
Augsburg Confession so often, for it is not your book, but 
the book of the Church." These alterations particularly 
referred to the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, with which 
Eck had reproached him at Worms. 

He expressed this article in such a manner that the 
Catholics and the Reformed could include their views. 
This may have been satisfactory enough to the Reformed, 
but the Lutherans were highly displeased. Luther adhered 
to the bodily eating and drinking of the body and blood, 
as he had taught from the beginning. Although he had 
not laid so great a stress upon this point for the last few 
years, he now asserted it again. There were some faithful 
adherents of the Gospel in Venice, who were compelled to 
endure great oppression. They applied to Luther, and 
complained of their afflictions, and spoke particularly also 
of the spread of the Swiss views of the Lord's Supper. 
Luther replied, that he had only formed a concord with 
the Upper Germans, but would have nothing to do with 
the Swiss, particularly those of Zurich. They are indeed 
learned, but intoxicated men, who merely eat common 
bread in the Lord's Supper. They should beware of false 
prophets, and adhere strictly to the doctrine of the con- 
nection of the body and blood of Christ with the bread 
and wine, even if many should think of a transubstantia- 
tion. When Melanchthon heard of this letter, he was 
much grieved, for he thought that Luther had conceded 
transubstantiation, which, however, was not the case. But 
the flame only began to break forth somewhat in the year 
1544. During this year the Reformation book of Cologne 
was brought to Wittenberg. When Luther came to the 
article on the Lord's Supper, he would not read any fur- 
ther, and wrote to Chancellor Brlick, who had sent it for 



202 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

his inspection, by the order of the Elector : '' The hook 
does not only tolerate, hut encourages the fanatics, and is 
far more favorable to their doctrine than our own. If I 
am to read the whole of it, our gracious Master must allow 
me further time, until my displeasure has abated. Other- 
wise I do not wish to look at it. And besides this, as the 
Bishop shows, it is altogether too long and too great non- 
sense, so that I can well perceive that chatterer, Bucer, in 
it." It is true that Bucer had prepared the book, but not 
without Melanchthon's approbation. 

Luther had said, in the spring of this year, that he did 
not suspect Melanchthon in the least. But when he visited 
Amsdorf during the summer, and was in the habit of thun- 
dering against the Sacramentarians, in the pulpit and 
elsewhere, Melanchthon feared the worst, and wrote both 
to Bucer, and to Bullinger in Zurich, that Luther had 
never treated this matter more violently than at present, 
and that, on the w^hole, there was little hope of peace. 
At last Luther published his " Short Confession" concern- 
ing the Lord's Supper, which is one of his ablest produc- 
tions. However strongly he attacked the Swiss in this, 
nothing was said of Bucer and Melanchthon, the latter of 
whom had feared an attack. About this time, as Melanch- 
thon himself states in a letter to Myconius, October 10th, 
1544, he had a conversation with Luther, in which he 
assured him that he had always granted a union of Christ 
with the bread and wine ; so that if bread and wine are 
taken, Christ is truly 'present, and makes us his members. 
He believes that Luther was satisfied with this ; but if not, 
he would be obliged to think of removing from Witten- 
berg, which he had been advised to do, and for which he 
had many and weighty reasons. However, after some 
time, a better state of feeling seemed to be established, so 



SCHOOL OF TEIBULATION. 203 

that Melanchtlion could reply to Chancellor Brllck's in- 
quiries, " that there was nothing of importance :" and 
Brlick wrote to the Elector, '^ I cannot learn anything 
from Philip, but that he and Martin are very good friends. 
May the Almighty add his blessing to it !" 

But Luther's Short Confession had called forth a vio- 
lent refutation from Bullinger, and it was again feared 
that Luther would make another attack, especially upon 
Melanchthon, who was a correspondent of Bullinger. The 
Elector heard of it, and directed his Chancellor to pacify 
Luther, and to request him not to attack Melanchthon, 
"which, if it should take place, would cause us a great 
deal of sorrow." If Philippus adhered to those of Zurich 
or others, Luther should admonish him in a Christian and 
paternal manner, and that would certainly be effectual. 
Their ancient friendship was gradually restored, whether 
by a conversation with Melanchthon or in some other way, 
is not known. That Luther was not induced to depart 
from the true doctrine by the attacks from Zurich, is evi- 
dent in a letter, addressed by him to a friend, not long 
before his death, from which we merely extract these 
words : "I am satisfied with this blessedness of the Psalm, 
' Blessed is the man that walketh not in the counsel of the 
Sacramentarians, nor standeth in the way of the Zwing- 
lians, nor sitteth in the seat of the Zurichers. Here you 
have my opinion.' " 

So many sorrows resting upon Melanchthon injuriously 
affected his body and spirit. He was seized by another 
illness in July, 1544. He wrote to Veit Dietrich, July 1 : 
" Dearest Yeit, while I am writing this, I am suffering 
severely from an affection of the spleen, which has been 
caused by the afflictions which have weighed upon me for 
the last two months ; and if my spleen ulcerates, I shall 



204 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

lose mj life." His dear friend Camerarius, who had heard 
of this illness, hastened to Wittenherg, to see and comfort 
him. On the 6th of July, the sufferer was ahle to write to 
Myconius : " Although my health is not yet established, 
(for the disease of the stone is added to my other afflic- 
tions, and in two days I have passed three stones with 
great pain,) yet I attend to my scholastic labors, to which 
God has called me, and I pray for the civil government." 
He at this time also received the sad tidings that one of 
his best friends, the- celebrated Jerome Baumgartner, of 
Nuremberg, had been captured by the robber-knight, 
Albert von Rosenberg, when he was returning from the 
Diet of Spire. We cannot deny ourselves the pleasure to 
communicate some parts of the letter of consolation, ad- 
dressed to Baumgartner 's wife by Melanchthon : '' We 
pray God that he will not permit you to sink in this great 
distress, but would by his Holy Spirit grant you comfort 
and strength, as he has often promised that he is a God 
who dwelleth with the sorrowful, as I have often expe- 
rienced in no slight afflictions. And may you particularly 
console yourself with these three considerations : first, that 
what our Saviour said is certainly true, that all our hairs 
are numbered by God ; that is, that God regards and pre- 
serves us, although we may be in danger. Therefore, even 
as he preserved Daniel among the lions, so he will also 
comfort and preserve your lord in the midst of the robbers 
who have captured him. In the second place, that this also 
is certainly true, that the Divine Majesty has promised, 
and pledged itself, to be with the troubled and terrified 
who call upon him, as it is written in the 37th chapter of 
the Prophet Isaiah. Therefore you should not doubt that 
the Eternal God is with your lord and you, and will 
strengthen and save you from this great distress. In the 



WORMS AND RATISBON AGAIN. 205 

third place, it is certain that it is God's will that we should 
acknowledge him by calling upon him, and that he will 
manifest his presence bj those gifts for which we pray, as 
he has said, ' Call upon me in the day of trouble ; I will 
deliver thee, and thou shalt glorify me.' Therefore you 
should not doubt that God will hear you, and the many 
Christians who are praying that the Lord would restore 
your husband to you with joy. May the Eternal God, the 
Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, do this for his own glory, 
and at all times comfort and protect you and your husband. 
Amen." 

He wrote this on the 9th July, 1544 ; but, with many 
other sympathizing friends, was obliged to wait an entire 
year, until the prisoner regained his liberty, and could 
return to his family. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

WORMS AND RATISBON AGAIN. 

When the just-mentioned Baumgartner attended the 
Diet of Spire, in 1544, as the deputy from Nuremberg, 
the Emperor demanded the assistance of the states of the 
Empire against the Turks, who were giving his brother 
Eerdinand much trouble in Hungary. The Protestants 
took advantage of this opportunity, and before all de- 
manded a fixed peace, and equal rights with the Catholics. 
The Emperor made many promises, and appointed a new 
diet to be held at Worms. He would have a Plan of 
Reformation prepared by learned and peaceable men, and 
18 



206 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

the Protestants sliould also present their plans. In the 
meantime there should be a general peace, and no party 
persecute the other because of religion. Law-suits and 
proscriptions, on account of religion, should be abolished. 
These were pleasing prospects for the Protestants, but did 
not last very long ; for the Emperor now made peace with 
the king of France, and did not find any diifficulty in using 
force of arms in Germany, as he had long ago intended. 
The Pope also summoned a General Council of the Church, 
to meet in Trent in the spring of 1545, so that it was easy 
to see that the affairs of the Church would be disposed of 
there, and not at the Diet. Melanchthon says, in a letter 
written January 11th, 1545, to Duke Albert, of Prussia : 
" The hope was entertained that the Emperor would call a 
National Synod, or would cause religion to be further dis- 
cussed ; but the Pope could not bear this. On this account 
the Council has been summoned for the 8th of April. 
Yesterday I received a letter from Worms, showing the 
violent feelings of the Emperor." 

However, the Elector caused a writing to be prepared 
for the Diet, called " The Reformation of Wittenberg,'* 
composed by Melanchthon. The Theologians of Witten- 
berg sent this work to the Elector, together with a letter, 
in which they say : ^' We have with due submission placed 
together our humble opinion, and have shown by what we 
intend to abide to the last." The work itself was divided 
into five parts, treating of the pure doctrine, the true use 
of the sacraments, of the ministry, of the maintenance of 
proper discipline, of the support of needful studies and 
schools, and also adds one article concerning bodily pro- 
tection and support. It was a mild and simple confession 
of the truth. At the same time, they also delivered an 
opinion in regard to one of Bucer's works, which had been 



WORMS AND EATISBON AGAIN. 207 

sent to them for this purpose by the Elector. Bucer had 
proposed that at the Diet, the Evangelical states should 
unite in a complaint against the Pope, and refuse to ac- 
knowledge that he is the regular ecclesiastical power ; and 
therefore they should labor to bring about a general refor- 
mation. But, as it was generally said that the Emperor 
and the King of France intended to bring about the General 
Council, those at Wittenberg had good reason for declaring 
that the Emperor would reject such proposals on the part of 
the States. They should only wait until the meeting of the 
Council, for it would propose articles which would enable 
well-meaning men to see the folly of the Pope and bishops. 
They did not, therefore, agree with the Opinion of Stras- 
burg, and the Elector was perfectly satisfied with their 
judgment, for he said : "If the states on our side should 
accuse the Pope and his adherents before the Emperor, 
they would by this acknowledge his Majesty to be a judge 
in this matter." 

The result would be bad, for the Emperor was greatly 
influenced by the Spanish bishops and priests, " and we 
have not been able to permit or approve of men being 
judges of the word of God." He also thought it would be 
best simply to abide by the Augsburg Confession, " for in 
it nothing is withheld from the Pope and his party," and 
there is no complaint made. But although he considered 
the work of his Theologians too mild, the chancellor de- 
fended it in a lengthy report of the 20th of January, in 
which he proves that it agrees fully with the Augsburg 
Confession and Apology, "which have, by the grace of 
God, accomplished much good." " God willing, this Be- 
formation will do the same, and will serve to destroy and 
to disgrace the venomous priests before the world, and his 
Imperial Majesty also. And your Grace will observe that 



208 LIFE OF MELANCHTIION. 

Martin and tlie rest agree fully with him in this." To the 
wish expressed by the Elector, that Luther should write 
something against the Pope, the prudent chancellor re- 
plied : "May it please your Electoral Grace to spare 
Martin, until we see that the Papal Council still carries on 
this villany. Then it will be necessary for him to use the 
axe valiantly, for which he has been gifted by God's grace 
with a more valiant spirit than other men." This axe 
Luther not long after wielded with destructive force, in his 
publication called, ''The Papacy at Rome, founded by the 
Devil." The Landgrave of Hesse did not find much to 
object to in the Wittenberg Reformation. 

But at the Diet of Worms, which began at the end of 
March, it was not brought into notice at all, the Protest- 
ants themselves not insisting upon its delivery. The Em- 
peror's great object at the Diet of Worms was to induce 
the Protestants to send delegates to the Council of Trent, 
which was to be actually convened during the same year. 
This, how^ever, they refused to do in the most decided 
manner. He then appointed another Diet, to be held in 
Ratisbon, January 6th, 1546, at which a religious discus- 
sion should take place. They saw very plainly that the 
Emperor contemplated violent measures, and therefore the 
Protestants met at the end of the year 1545, in order to 
renew the League of Smalkald. The Theologians of Wit- 
tenberg also advised this League, and said : " We pray 
that Almighty God may incline the princes and rulers to a 
cordial, lasting, and inseparable union." But this union 
w^as the very thing that was wanting. They resolved to 
accept the religious discussion at Ratisbon, but to protest 
against the Council of Trent, which began at last on the 
7th of January, 1546. Melanchthon drew up a memorial 
to this effect. 



WORMS AND^EATISBON AGAIN. 209 

As the Protestants had declared that they would send 
representatives to the discussion at Ratisbon, it was now 
necessary to elect these delegates. We may suppose that 
the Court of the Elector had fixed upon Melanchthon, who 
had given such repeated evidences of his capability. But 
Luther appealed to the Elector with the words, "As it will 
be a useless and inefiectual council, of which we can hope 
nothing, Philip, who is indeed very ill, should be spared." 
In order to prevent Melanchthon's journey to Ratisbon, 
he even went to Brlick, and explained the state of things 
to him. Of Melanchthon, he said : " He is a faithful man, 
who fears or shuns no one, and besides this he is weak and 
sick. He had no little difficulty in getting him home alive 
from Mansfeld, for he would not eat or drink. If we 
should lose this man from the University, it is likely that 
yhalf the University would leave on his account. He would 
not advise, but most faithfully dissuade them from sending 
him." They should send Dr. Zoch and Dr. Maior, who 
was at least more learned than the Emperor's ass. Cru- 
ciger also begged that he should be excused from this dis- 
cussion and journey. " However, if I knew," said the 
chancellor in his report, " that Melanchthon would not be 
excused from the disagreeable affairs at Mansfeld, I would 
rather advise and urge that he should be sent to Ratisbon. 
And Philip himself said that he would rather do the last 
than the first." The Elector yielded, but first summoned 
Melanchthon to Torgau, in order to consult with him about 
the discussion at Ratisbon. He here, on the 11th of 
January^ published an Opinion, in which he said that it is 
not known whether the Emperor will again present one of 
Groper's books, or whether the Augsburg Confession would 
be discussed, article upon article. The Emperor was ac- 
companied by a Spanish ecclesiastic, called Malvenda. 
18* 



210 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

Melanchtlion thought that he would not fail to oppose the 
article on Justification. If they desired to destroy the 
whole discussion, it would be most useful to begin with this 
article, which is now known and highly esteemed through- 
out Germany, and among all the godly. This would soon 
bring matters to a close, and the Protestants could then 
publish a protest, that the opposite party would not be 
convinced, and that it would evidently be entirely useless 
to carry on further negotiations. 

The two persons pointed out by Luther, George Maior 
and Laurentius Zoch, were now chosen to attend the 
religious discussion at Ratisbon. It is said that when 
Maior once more visited Luther before his departure, he 
found upon the door of Luther's study the following words 
in Latin : '' Our professors must be examined concerning 
the Lord's Supper." Maior asked him : " Venerable Fa- 
ther, what is the meaning of these words?" Luther re- 
plied : " They mean just what you read, and as they say ; 
and when you return home again, and I too, an examina- 
tion must be held, to which you as well as others shall be 
called." But when Maior in the most decided manner 
declared his adherence to the true doctrine of the sacra- 
ment, Luther spoke at length of this matter, and exhorted 
him to confess the same in the Church, in schools, and in 
private conversations, and by these means strengthen the 
brethren, lead his friends into the right way again, and 
oppose the wanton spirits. He who has the true Confes- 
sion cannot stand in 'one stable with heretics, nor give fair 
words to the devil and his knaves. A teacher who says 
nothing against errors is worse than an open fanatic. 
He either lies under one cover with the enemies, or he is 
a doubter and weathervane, who is merely waiting to see 
whether Christ or the devil will gain the victory ; or he is 



LUTHER DIES, AND MELANCHTHON MOURNS. 211 

altogether in a state of uncertaintj, and is not worthy to 
be called a disciple, much less teacher." 

Thus Luther spake, and Maior thanked him for it. How 
steadfastly Luther adhered to the truth, which he had re- 
cognized in regard to the important article of the Sacra- 
ment, may be inferred from this, if it were not known long 
before. Yet we also know that he was at this time on the 
most friendly terms with Melanchthon, whom he twice took 
along with him to Eisleben. Philip was often found at his 
table, and there was nothing but friendship between them. 
But in a few days this friendship was to receive a wound 
which this world could not heal. I do not refer to any 
change of doctrine, but to Luther's death, which to Me- 
lanchthon's great sorrow occurred very unexpectedly at 
Eisleben. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

LUTHER DIES, AND MELANCHTHON MOURNS. 

Melanchthon s^w him, his dearly beloved father, for 
the last time, on the 23d of January, 1546, on which day 
Luther with his three sons departed for Eisleben, there to 
assist in settling the difficulties between the Counts of 
Mansfeld. It is not a part of our design to describe the 
particulars of Luther's journey, his labors in Eisleben, his 
short illness, and his blessed death. Melanchthon wrote 
to Jonas, (and doubtless sent the letter along with him,) 
that the angel of the covenant might accompany the Doc- 
tor, and assist him in his efforts to restore a lasting and 



212 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

beneficial harmony between tbe Counts of Mansfeld ; and 
adds, tbat he was prevented from accompanying him by 
indisposition. He was at that time suffering from consti- 
pation, which he attributed to the stone. And on the 81st 
of January he wrote to Luther himself that his wife had 
been greatly troubled about him and the boys, because 
they had heard that the river Saale was very much swollen. 
"Now we pray," he adds, ''the everlasting God, and Fa- 
ther of our Lord Jesus Christ, that he would bring you 
all back again in health, when you have been successful in 
restoring harmony among the Counts of Mansfeld. By 
God's grace, we are here in the enjoyment of peace ; God 
grant that it may last for a long time." He received the 
most hearty greetings from Eisleben. On the 18th of 
February, on which day Luther had already made his 
happy departure from this world, Melanchthon yet wrote 
to him. We will here present the beginning of this letter : 
" To the venerable man, Dr. Martin Luther, distinguished 
by learning, virtue, and wisdom, the restorer of the true 
doctrine of the Gospel, his dearest father ! Revered Doc- 
tor, and dearest Father ! I thank you that you have written 
to me so often and kindly. And we now pray God, the 
eternal Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, that he would 
lead you all safely home." This pi^yer was not to be 
heard, or rather it was to be heard in a far higher sense. 
On the following day, February 19, he already received 
the sad tidings of the departure of his dear father, from 
Jonas. At 9 o'clock'he was to lecture on the Epistle to 
the Romans, but his sorrow would not permit him to do 
so, and he said to the assembled students: "Beloved, 
pious young men ! — you know that I proposed to explain 
to you the Epistle to the Romans, according to the simple 
and natural meaning of the words, because in this is con- 



LUTHER DIES, AND MELANCHTHON MOURNS. 213 

tained the true doctrine of the Son of God, which God in 
special mercy has also revealed to us, in this our day, 
through our venerable father and dear teacher. Doctor 
Martin Luther. But I have this day received so sad a 
letter, which troubles and afflicts, and discourages me so 
much, that I doubt whether I shall be able in future to 
discharge the duties of my office in the University. What 
this is I will now relate to you, especially as other persons 
have also advised me to do so, and especially that you may 
know how it came to pass, so that you may not relate it 
differently from what is true, or may not believe other 
persons who may circulate false reports in regard to the 
matter, as is generally the case. 

" On Wednesday, February 7, shortly before supper. Dr. 
Martinus was attacked by his usual affection, a pain in the 
pit of the stomach, with which he was several- times afflicted 
here. This returned after supper, and as it did not cease, 
he went into his chamber, and laid himself down for about 
two hours, until the pains had become much worse. He 
then called Doctor Jonas, who slept in the same room, and 
asked him to request Ambrosius, the tutor of his sons, to 
make a fire in the room. He then went in, and was soon 
surrounded by Count Mansfeld and his lady, and many 
others, whose names, on account of haste, are not men- 
tioned in this letter. On the morning of Feb. 18, before 
four o'clock in the morning, he commended himself to God 
in this prayer : * My dear heavenly Father, eternal, merci- 
ful God ! Thou hast revealed unto me thy beloved Son, 
our Lord Jesus Christ ; him have I taught and confessed, 
him I love and honor as my dear Saviour and Redeemer, 
whom the wicked persecute, despise, and revile. Take my 
soul to th3^self!' He then thrice repeated the words: 
* Into thy hands I commend my spirit, thou hast redeemed 



214 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

me, God of Truth !' and tlien said : ^ God so loved the 
world, that he gave his only begotten Son, that whosoever 
believeth in him should not perish, but have everlasting 
life.' This prayer he repeated several times, and was thus 
taken by God into the everlasting school, and eternal joy, 
where he is now enjoying fellowship with God the Father, 
Son, and Holy Ghost, together w^ith all prophets and apos- 
tles. Alas ! the Chariot of Israel is gone, which ruled the 
Church in this last age of the world. For assuredly this 
doctrine of forgiveness of sin, and of faith in the Son of 
God, was not invented by the wisdom of man, but was 
revealed by God through this man, as we ourselves have 
also seen that he was awakened by God. Therefore let 
us willingly remember him, and love the doctrine which he 
proclaimed ; let us also' live more discreetly and mode- 
rately, and consider what great troubles and changes will 
follow the departure of this man. I beseech thee, Son 
of God and Immanuel, who wast crucified for us, and didst 
rise again, to rule and protect thy Church. Amen." 

Thus Melanchthon spoke and prayed, with tears and 
with a troubled heart. His hearers were so deeply affected, 
that it seemed, as Selnecker says, as if the very walls w^ere 
weeping, for all manifested their sorrow by sobbing aloud. 
On the 19th of February, he inquired of Jonas on what 
day they would arrive in Wittenberg with the corpse. In 
this letter, he also expresses his great sorrow on account 
of the death of this beloved man : " We are greatly trou- 
bled at the loss of su-ch a teacher and leader, not only on 
account of the University, but also because of the Church 
Universal of the whole world, which he led by his counsels, 
doctrine, reputation, and the power of the Holy Ghost. 
Especially are we troubled when we think of the dangers 
and storms wliich will come, since he has been called away 



LUTHER DIES, AND MELANCHTHON MOURNS. 215 

from his post But let us call upon our Lord Jesus 

Christ, who has said, I will not leave you comfortless, that 
he may continue to guide and preserve his Church, and let 
us thank him for the benefits he has conferred upon us 
through Dr. Luther, and let us hold Luther in grateful 
remembrance." On the same day, he also informed Ams- 
dorf of this calamity, and concluded thus : " Although I 
have no doubt that many worthy persons everywhere will 
grieve most sincerely, I yet know that your grief will be 
still greater, because he had no older and dearer friend 
than you, and you loved him as a father. You have there- 
fore a great personal reason for your sorrow. But to this 
must also be added public reasons, for after his death we 
seem to be threatened by many other evils ; but I pray 
and conjure you, for God's sake, that you would encourage 
yourself with the divine consolations afforded us in the 
Gospel, and that you would remember us and the Church." 

About noon on the 22d of February, Luther's remains 
arrived at the Elster gate of Wittenberg, and amidst the 
ringing of all the bells, and the escort of a vast, deeply- 
moved multitude, were solemnly conveyed to the Electoral 
church, where the Elector had assigned him a resting-place. 
Melanchthon also walked in the procession ; and after 
Bugenhagen had, with many tears, preached an affecting 
funeral sermon, Melanchthon also ascended the pulpit, and 
delivered a Latin address, the substance of which we pro- 
pose to relate. 

"Although my own great sorrow almost forbids me to 
speak in this great sorrow of all pious hearts, and of the 
Church of Christ, yet, as I am to say something to this 
Christian assembly, I will not, after the manner of the 
heathen, merely praise the departed one, but would rather 
remind this honorable assembly of the great, wonderful, 



216 LIFE OF MELAITCHTnON. 

and divine guidance of the Church, and of the many dan- 
gers with which it must always contend, in order that 
Christians might learn so much better what should grieve 
them most, what they should seek and ask of God, more 
than anything else." Thus he commenced, and then spoke 
of the office which Luther had filled in the Church. 

He mentions particularly what he had done in respect 
to doctrine, how he had taught true repentance, justification 
by faith alone, the difierence between the law and the 
Gospel, and true good works ; how he had translated the 
Holy Scriptures, ^'in such a clear and plain manner," into 
the German language, and had also written other useful 
books. " Therefore, there can be no doubt but that pious 
Christian hearts will for ever continue to praise and glorify 
the divine blessings, which he has given to his Church by 
the hands of this Doctor Luther. They will first of all 
praise and thank God for it ; but after that, also confess 
that they have been greatly benefited by the faithful 
labors of this worthy man in his writings and preaching, 
and that they owe him thanks for all this." He now 
speaks of it, that many reproached Doctor Luther " on ac- 
count of being too severe and rough in his writings." He 
would reply to this, in the words of Erasmus : " God has 
also given a severe and rough physician to the world, which 
in this latter time has been filled with grievous plagues 
and defects." But he is truly blamed too much. "He 
always faithfully and diligently defended the true faith, 
and always maintained a good, sincere, and undefiled con- 
science. And every one who knew him well, and had much 
intercourse with him, must confess that he was a very kind- 
hearted man ; and when among others, was always friendly, 
amiable, and gracious in his conversation, and by no means 
insolent, stormy, obstinate, or quarrelsome. And yet 



LUTHER DIES, AND MELANCHTHON MOURNS. 217 

withal, there was an earnestness and bravery in liis words 
and gestures, which should be found in such a man. In 
short, he had a heart, faithful and without guile, words 
gracious and friendly, and, as St. Paul requires of the 
Christian, ' whatsoever things are true, whatsoever things 
are honest, whatsoever things are just, whatsoever things 
are pure, whatsoever things are lovely, whatsoever things 
are of good report.' Therefore, it is evident that the 
severity which he manifested in his writings against the 
enemies of the pure doctrine, did not proceed from a quar- 
relsome or wicked spirit, but rather from his great earnest- 
ness and zeal for the truth. This testimony must be given 
by us, and many pious persons, who saw and knew him inti- 
mately." He then proceeds to say : " No unchaste act or 
any other vice was ever discovered in him, no word leading 
to tumult or rebellion was ever heard from his lips, but he 
always exhorted men to reconciliation and peace ; he never 
mins^led other thinsis with matters of relio;ion, and never 
made use of any intrigues to strengthen his own power or 

that of his friends." "I myself have often heard 

him pray with many tears for the whole Church. For he 
daily took time to repeat a few Psalms, with which he min- 
gled his prayers to God, with sighs and tears, and often, 
in his daily conversation, expressed his displeasure against 
those who, because of their indolence or business, pretend 
that it is sufficient to call upon God with a brief ejacula- 
tion." " We have likewise frequently seen, when 

great and important debates in regard to sudden and dan- 
gerous emergencies arose, that he always exhibited great 
courage and manliness ; for he was not easily terrified, and 
did not lose confidence on account of threats, or dangers, 
or terror. For he trusted to this sure foundation, as upon 
an immovable rock, even upon the help and support of 
19 



218 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

God, and permitted nothing to take this faith and confi- 
dence from his heart. Besides this, he possessed so great 
and keen an understanding, that he could tell before all 
others what should be advised and done in intricate, dark, 
and difficult affairs and disputes." That so worthy a man, 
gifted with such a mind, of sound learning, and tried and 
experienced by long practice, gifted with many lofty. Chris- 
tian, and peculiar virtues, chosen by God to raise up the 
Church ; one, too, who loved us with all his heart as a 
father ; that such a man should have been called away, and 
has departed from this life, and from our midst and asso- 
ciation, even from the foremost place of all, is surely 
enough to call forth our sorrow and distress. For we are 
now like poor, wretched, forsaken orphans, who have lost 
an affectionate and excellent father. However, as we ought 
to obey God, and resign ourselves to his will, we should 
for ever cherish the memory of this our beloved father, and 
never suffer it to be effaced from our hearts." The speaker 
then proceeded to describe the pleasant lot which had fallen 
to the sainted one in heaven, after having found that for 
which he had wished for a long ti^le^ "'We ought not to 
doubt that this our dear father, Dr. Luther, is present 
with God, in external happiness." It is God's will that 
we should always remember his virtues, and the blessings 
bestowed upon us through him. We should faithfully dis- 
charge this debt of gratitude towards him, and should 
acknowledge that he was a precious, noble, useful, and 
blessed instrument ♦ in God's hands ; and we should study 
his doctrine diligently, and preserve it faithfully. We 
should also regard his virtues as an example to be imitated 
by us ; such as his piety, faith, earnest and fervent prayer, 
fidelity and diligence in office, chastity and modesty, pru- 
dence, anxiety to avoid everything which might cause tu- 



LUTHER DIES, AND MELANCHTHON MOURNS. 219 

mulls and other offences, and a constant pleasure and desire 
to learn more and more. 

Thus Melanchthon spoke with a sorrowful heart. He 
felt more than all how much he had lost in Luther, who 
might well be compared to the sturdy oak, against which 
this timid man could often lean. He expressed his sorrow 
in every direction, as his letters at this time prove. And 
his way was gradually becoming lonely, for his dearest 
friends were dying, as for instance Spalatin ; and the de- 
parture of another, his beloved Myconius, who had once 
before been snatched from the bonds of death by the faith 
and prayer of Luther, was also near at hand. Myconius 
was suffering with bronchitis, and it was evident that he 
would soon rest from his labors. It was at this time that 
Melanchthon addressed two letters to him, which we pre- 
sent on account of their consolatory contents. On the 
1st of March, 1546, he wrote : "I most earnestly wish 
that God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, might 
again restore your bodily strength, so that you might serve 
the Church longer, and superintend the studies of your 
sons. But if God, my Frederick, has resolved to call you 
away, oh ! then consider into what an assembly you shall 
be admitted ; to God, and his Son given for us, to the pa- 
triarchs, prophets and apostles. You will see and converse 
with those who shall proclaim the glory of God to you 
without deceitful arts. I seek their intercourse with such 
ardent desire, that I am often sorrowful that I am obliged 
to sojourn longer in this earthly prison, especially as I am 
constantly contending with great sufferings and dangers. 
Rather would I be torn in pieces than unite with those de- 
ceivers who are at present endeavoring to consummate 
false unions. And yet you know that I am constantly 



220 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

called to attend these artful proceedings. Therefore I 
beseech you to commend the Church and me to Grod !" 
And on March 4, he wrote : " Dearest Frederick 1 The 
gracious word of the Son of God has frequently comforted 
me in great afflictions : ' Neither shall any man plucJc them 
out of my hand.'' We will not seek any other explana- 
tion of the sheep, than that given us by Christ, who calls 
those his sheep who hear and love the Gospel. We are 
such, without doubt. Therefore, in all the dangers of this 
life and of death, we should entertain the confiding assu- 
rance that the watchman and defender, our shepherd, the 
Son of God, is with us always. Since Luther has been 
called away from this mortal state of existence, I have, 
besides my sorrow, additional cares and labors." 

On the 7th of April, Myconius died, to the great sorrow 
of Melanchthon, who thus expresses it in a letter to Jonas : 
^'Frederick Myconius, after contending with his disease 
for a long time, has at last been called away from this 
mortal life. You see that the righteous are gathered in, 
that they may not behold the approaching calamities, 
which may God lessen, as we pray." These calamities 
were nearer at hand than he thought. 



WAR AND THE MISERY OF WAR. 221 



CHAPTER XXV. 

WAR AND THE MISERY OF WAR. 

While Luther's death was not only deeply moving Wit- 
tenberg and Saxony, but all the friends of the Gospel 
elsewhere, the religious discussion of Ratisbon, which had 
been commenced on the 27th of January, was in full 
operation, but not in a very encouraging manner. For 
the Spanish Ecclesiastic, Malvenda, proved himself to 
be a proud and obstinate priest. He had proposed nine 
propositions in regard to the article on Justification, which 
were composed in such a way that it was altogether im- 
possible for the Protestants to accept them. The latter, 
therefore, declared in a protest, that they intended to 
abide by the Augsburg Confession, and regarded this as 
the true Catholic and Christian doctrine. The Theolo- 
gians of Wittenberg were of the same opinion ; and, in a 
letter to the Elector of the 5th of March, declared: '^ Dr. 
Martinus has left a valuable jewel behind him, even the 
true meaning of Christian doctrine, which we wish to 
transmit, undefiled, to our posterity. May God grant us 
his Grace and Holy Spirit for this purpose !" But on the 
banks of the Danube, that is, in Ratisbon, the Imperial 
party would have nothing to do with this pure doctrine, 
and laid every difficulty in the way of the Protestants. 
Indeed, it appeared more and more, that the whole discus- 
sion was a mock-fight, and that the Emperor was deter- 
19* 



222 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

mined to cut the Gordian knot witli his sword. He indeed 
did not wish this to be made known, for he was a deceitful 
man, who well knew how to conceal his thoughts. But the 
Elector saw through his disguise, and ordered his Theolo- 
gians to retire from the discussion at Ratishon. They 
returned in the beginning of April. 

Melanchthon about this time prepared an opinion in the 
name of the Theologians, in which resistance against the 
Emperor is declared to be a duty: "If it is true that the 
Emperor intends to fall upon these States on account of 
religion, then it is doubtless right that these States should 
earnestly protect themselves and their subjects, with the 
help of God." When the Emperor, therefore, came to 
Ratisbon, and had opened the diet on the 5th of June, the 
Protestants were forced to ask him the reason of his war- 
like preparations. 

He distinctly told them '' that, as he was unable to 
restore peace in Germany by mild measures, he was obliged 
to proceed against the disobedient with the power of the 
Empire." The Pope united with him, and published this 
treaty, in which he openly speaks of the extermination of 
heretics. Melanchthon wrote about this to Amsdorf, on 
June 25th : "It is certain that the Emperor Charles is 
preparing to wage a terrible war against the Elector of 
Saxony and the Landgrave, Already large armies are 
gathered in the neighborhood of Guelders, and troops, to 
be supported by the Pope, are expected from Italy. 
Charles does not conceal that he intends to wage w^ar 
against the Duke of Saxony ; for he called together the 
deputies of the cities in Ratisbon, and exhorted them not 
to assist the Duke of Saxony. But the cities nobly and 
firmly declared that they would not forsake their ally in 
the hour of danger. So much of the beginning of the war. 



WAR AND THE MISERY OF WAR. 223 

But as God protected the house of the widow of Zarephath, 
so I pray that God would protect our princes, who govern 
justly, and do many good services to the churches and the 
studies of religion." As the treaty between the Pope 
and the Emperor was published, the Protestants opposed 
it in a public address, in which they asserted that the Em- 
peror had been instigated to this war by the Roman Anti- 
christ, in order to suppress religion, and German liberty. 
On the other hand, the Emperor gave as a reason the dis- 
obedience of the princes, which was particularly shown in 
their invasion of the rights of the bishops and founders, in 
the expulsion of the monks, and also because they detained 
the Duke of Brunswick in custody. The Pope ordered 
public prayers for the extermination of heretics, but the 
Protestants made all possible preparations to resist the 
Emperor. 

Melanchthon published Luther's excellent little book, 
^'A Warning to my beloved Germans," and added an 
encouraging introduction, in which he says : " Let all who 
fear God in Germany, now seriously consider and remem- 
ber what they owe to God in these terrible warlike prepa- 
tions. For now that it is known that the Pope is lending 
such great aid in money and soldiers to carry on this war, 
there can be no doubt that it is his principal aim to 
exterminate the true doctrine, which is now preached in 
our churches, and to re-establish and secure forever his 
own idolatry and errors, by shedding of blood, murder, 
the lasting destruction of the German nation, and by dis- 
membering all the Electoral and princely families." He 
encourages resistance, and adds: "I am surprised that 
wise men have suffered themselves to be induced to begin 
this war. But it is not only the work of men, the devil's 
rage, and desire to bring about greater destruction and 



224 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

misery in Christendom But I pray all God-fearing 

men earnestly to beseech God to protect his Church, in 
which the true doctrine is preached, and also every Chris- 
tian government. Besides this, all such should remember 
that every one is in duty bound to aid in preserving the 
true Christian doctrine, according to his position and 
means. For this we live, and we cannot do a better work 
in this life." 

The Imperial ban of the Empire against the Elector and 
the Landgrave, the two leaders of the league of Smalkald, 
made its appearance on the 20th of July. Besides this, 
Duke Maurice of Saxony, who was full of ambition, be- 
trayed the cause of his relative, the Elector, and the cause 
of the Protestants in general. He went over to the Em- 
peror's side. But before the Emperor had gathered his 
troops, the Protestants were already standing on the banks 
of the Danube, in the month of July, with an army of 
40,000 men, prepared to strike. But they did not make a 
good use of their favorable position, for they could at this 
time have brought the w^ar to an end by one decisive blow. 
The experienced commander of the Upper Germans, 
Sebastian Schartlin, wished to fall upon the Emperor, 
who with a few hundred men was then in Ratisbon, and 
compel him to make peace. But his plan was defeated by 
the scruples of the leaders of the League, until the Empe- 
ror had received reinforcements, and was now able to 
assume an offensive attitude. He soon became master of 
the Danube, and entered Swabia. When the leaders of 
the League now proposed terms of peace, he ordered them 
to surrender at discretion. Here they also learned that 
Duke Maurice had united with the Emperor, and therefore 
the two leaders of the League resolved to return to their 
own dominions, in order to protect them, especially as 



WAR AND THE MISERY OF WAR. 225 

Maurice had already entered the Electoral dominions, and 
was capturing one city after the other. The Emperor had 
also promised the Electoral dignity to Duke Maurice. 
When the princes retreated, with the intention, it is true, 
of meeting the Emperor the following spring with a 
stronger force, they placed the game entirely in his hands. 
He conquered, and laid under contribution, the various 
confederate cities in Southern Germany; and on the 
Rhine, humbled the aged Duke Ulrich, of WUrtemberg, 
and deprived the aged Archbishop of Cologne of his 
princely dignity. He had thus covered his rear in Swabia 
and on the Rhine, and was now able, without much diffi- 
culty, to shift the war into the dominions of the two leaders 
of the Confederation. 

While the Emperor was proceeding thus in Southern 
Germany, and on the Rhine, the Elector, John Frederick, 
entered Thuringia with 2000 men, and soon swept aw^ay 
the armies of Duke Maurice. He even entered his domi- 
nions, and conquered the whole land, with the exception 
of Leipzig. At Altenberg, he was opposed by Maurice 
and his ally, the Margrave Albert, of Brandenburg, but 
in vain. For the Margrave was taken prisoner, and Mau- 
rice evacuated the country. Thus John Frederick stood 
as a victor upon the banks of the Elbe, but without taking 
advantage of his victory. 

We may easily suppose that the University and schools 
could not prosper much in these warlike times. When the 
troops of Duke Maurice were advancing, it was thought 
advisable in Wittenberg to dissolve the University. The 
Margrave Joachim offered a retreat to Melanchthon. Many 
fled to Magdeburg, but Melanchthon selected Zerbst, when 
the troops of Maurice threatened Wittenberg. We may 
conceive the feelings of Melanchthon's heart, when aged 



226 LIEE OF MELANCHTHON. 

sires, women, and cMldren, were thus compelled to flee, in 
mid-winter, in a snow-storm. He was received in a hospi- 
table manner at Zerbst, and at the same time also received 
invitations from Brunswick and Nuremberg. But, while 
everything looked so gloomy, the sky assumed a bright 
appearance at the return of the Elector, who had so expe- 
ditiously cleared his dominions of hostile troops. Melanch- 
thon, too, returned to Wittenberg, now freed from the siege, 
but only for a few days, as matters were still in a state of 
insecurity and uncertainty. He returned to Zerbst, and 
was destined soon to experience greater calamities than 
ever before. But, although he was greatly afflicted, he 
comforted himself with the word of God. He at this time 
wrote to Camerarius : " Let us be assured that God will 
preserve the seed of his Church and of the truth, as he has 
so repeatedly promised in his divine word, and let us not 
doubt that God has our welfare at heart, even if the 
world should be destroyed." In the beginning of Febru- 
ary, 1547, he again returned to Wittenberg for a few 
days, and thence wrote to the Elector to make peace, but 
without effecting anything. 

While Melanchthon was deeply afflicted by the death of 
his beloved daughter Anna, vvdio had been married to Sa- 
binus, and died on the 26th of February, in the flower of 
life, he was also to behold calamities falling upon the do- 
minions of his prince from every quarter. The Emperor 
had arisen with the determination to subdue John Frede- 
rick. He united with his brother Ferdinand and Duke 
Maurice, at Egra, and advanced into the Electoral domi- 
nions with 27,000 men, while the Elector had rapidly re- 
treated to Vv^ittenberg, which was well fortified. But he 
was overtaken by the Imperial cavalry. A battle was 
fought at Mllhlberg, April 24. The pious Elector was at 



WAR AND THE MISERY OF WAR. 227 

the time attending divine worship, and thought that he 
ought to remain until the close ; he was overtaken on the 
heath of Lochau, and after a brave resistance on his part, 
was made prisoner. The Emperor received him in a very 
ungracious manner, and ordered him, together with the 
captive Duke Ernest of Brunswick-LUneburg, to be con- 
veyed to the camp. Intoxicated by his victory, he even 
went so far as to pronounce sentence of death upon the 
Elector, against all the prerogatives of princes. But the 
Elector received the announcement with the greatest tran- 
quillity. However, he did not venture to execute the sen- 
tence, and changed it to imprisonment for life. As the 
Elector steadily rejected the resolutions of the Council of 
Trent, he was declared to have forfeited his lands and 
electoral dignity, and the traitor Maurice was entrusted 
with the Electorate. "When Melanchthon, who was then 
at Zerbst, heard of the defeat of the Elector, he was deeply 
moved, and thus expresses his troubles in a letter written 
to Caspar Cruciger, on the 1st of May: "Dearest Caspar, 
if I were able to weep as many tears as the Elbe rolls deep 
waters by you and our walls, I could not weep out my 
sorrow on account of the defeat and imprisonment of our 
prince, who truly loved the Church and Justice. Many 
important considerations increase my distress. I deeply 
commisserate the prisoner. I foresee a change of doctrine, 
and a new confusion of the Churches. Then, what an 
ornament is destroyed in the dispersion of our school ? and 
we too are torn asunder. Truly,, if it were possible for 
one to consider, I would rather die in your society, and 
before your altars, than wander about in this state of exile, 
in which my strength is daily decreasing." As the Spanish 
and Italian soldiers made great havoc, and especially mal- 
treated women and maidens, he did not consider Zerbst a 



228 LIFE OF MELANCIITHON. 

safe retreat any longer. He, therefore, removed with his 
family to Magdeburg. He here met Luther's widow, who 
was about to depart to Denmark, where she had found a 
noble patron in the king. He accompanied her to Bruns- 
wick, where she remained for some time, and he went to 
Nordhausen. A faithful friend. Mayor Meienberg, re- 
sided here, with whom he had carried on a cordial corre- 
spondence. He had written to him on Ascension day, 
shortly before his arrival in Nordhausen : "I write this 
letter on a happy day, in which the Ascension of the Son 
of God is publicly commemorated, and which was beheld 
in former days by many of the Church with their own eyes. 
And I thought of the sweet words of comfort which are 
read on this day. But the Son of God still sitteth at the 
right hand of the Eternal Father, and bestows his gifts 
upon the children of men. Therefore, if we call upon him, 
he will also grant us gifts, and protect and preserve his 
Church." And this trust, which he reposed in the Lord 
of the Church, was not put to shame. 

He dropped the plan he had formed, of visiting his 
home, and also declined a call to the University of Tubin- 
gen, which he received at this time ; for his heart was 
wedded to Wittenberg, which had become his second home. 
He wrote to a friend on the 5th of June : " The Univer- 
sity of Tubingen has called me. But in my bosom and 
inmost feelings I feel a great affection for our little nest on 
the Elbe, and towards the friends residing there, and in 
the neighborhood, so .that it would give me the greatest 
pain to part from them. Therefore I shall soon return to 
the Elbe again." 



KESTOKATION OF THE UNIVERSITY. 229 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

KESTOKATION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF WITTENBERG. 

His desire to return to Wittenberg was to be gratified 
sooner than he expected. In the beginning of June, he 
was informed by his countryman, the Imperial secretary 
Obernburg, that Duke Maurice had become Elector, and 
intended to restore the University of Wittenberg ; and by 
a letter from Cruciger, the former instructors were called 
upon to return. Already, on the 8th of June, Melanch- 
thon signified his intention of going to Wittenberg or 
Dessau, in order to consult with his friends in regard to 
this matter. A portion of the dominions of the Elector 
had been left to his sons, including Weimar, Jena, Eise- 
nach, Gotha, and other places ; and it seems the father 
was anxious that a new institution should be founded in 
Jena. This wish of the Elector, who was deeply interested 
in the cause of the Gospel, was worthy of all commenda- 
tion ; for the treachery of Duke Maurice did not permit 
the hope that Wittenberg would again become a nursery 
of the pure doctrine. It must, therefore, have been a very 
desirable object with the young dukes, to secure the former 
teachers of Wittenberg, particularly Melanchthon, for the 
new school. The elder Duke therefore requested Me- 
lanchthon not to remove from those parts. He imme- 
diately replied from Nordhausen, June 9th, 1547 : " Al- 
though the parents of your Grace, as well as your Grace, 
and your brothers, and all your faithful subjects, are 
20 



230 LIFE OE MELANCHTHON. 

plunged at present into the deepest sorrow whicli can come 
upon us in this world of trouble, yet we ought not to for- 
get that God seeth all these things, and if we call upon 
him with all the heart, will lessen our misery, and show 
mercy, although we must endure chastisement for a season. 
I thank your Grace most humbly that you have been gra- 
ciously pleased to invite me to stay near you ; and if I 
could serve your Electoral Grace in an humble position as 
a teacher, I would rather serve your Grace in poverty, 
than in riches in other quarters, although I have been in- 
vited to several places. But I will not leave your domi- 
nions without the knowledge of your Grace. I intend soon 
also to pay another visit to Wittenberg." At the same 
time, he also received a letter from his friends at Witten- 
berg, urging him to come thither. In a letter to a friend 
there, he says : "I love the University as my home, for I 
have there lived in the greatest intimacy with learned and 
honorable colleagues, and we have together endeavored to 
spread abroad the doctrine of the most needful things, 
with moderate zeal. The son of the imprisoned prince 
has merely requested me not to leave his dominions, with- 
out previously informing him of my intention to do so ; 
and if I could find a little place, even in an humble school 
in his dominions, I would be inclined to serve him. Eor I 
am not thinking of a brilliant position, but of my grave." 
He now for the first time learned that it was intended to 
establish an institution of learning at Jena ; and he there- 
fore wrote to the dukes that he would come to Weimar, 
" in order to hear further what your wishes may be, and 
also to communicate my own simple and humble opinion." 
From a number of letters written at this time, for instance, 
from one written to Angus tin Schurff, on the 13th of July, 
it is evident that he had no other intention but to settle 



RESTORATION OF THE UNIVERSITY. 231 

where he might live and labor together with his old friends 
and colleagues. He said : "I will regard the place of 
their residence as my native land." However, he went to 
Weimar, in order to consult with the dukes and Chancellor 
Briick. Here, it seems, they intended to gain over Me- 
lanchthon for Jena, without, however, appointing his 
friends. This did not please him. "Without expressing 
his sentiments fully, he proposed to retire to Zerbst, in 
order to consult with Schurff, Eber, and some other friends. 
But in Merseburg, he, on the 18th of July, received letters 
from George of Anhalt, and Cruciger, summoning him to 
Leipzig. Duke Maurice was there at the time, and wished 
to see the Wittenberg Theologians, especially Melanchthon, 
who immediately departed for Leipzig. Bugenhagen refers 
to this in the following manner : ^' There Master Philip 
came to us, on account of which we greatly rejoiced, and 
thanked God. My most gracious lord (Maurice), enter- 
tained us splendidly in his own inn, paid all our expenses, 
and honored us with various gifts, and presents of money ; 
he also received us in person, in a very gracious manner, 
and publicly declared before us, and all the Superintend- f 
ents, that he would never permit himself to be led back to '; 
those Papal errors, which oppose the word of God, and the 
blessed Gospel of Jesus Christ. Therefore we should con- 
tinue to teach the pure Gospel of Jesus Christ, and to 
condemn such abuses, together with all other fanaticism 
and error. His Electoral Grace also enjoined it upon us, 
that we should call the professors of the University of 
Wittenberg together again, resume our lectures, and to 
call the Consistory of the Church." Batzeberger relates 
that the Elector presented a velvet cap, filled with dollars, 
to Dr. Pommer and Master Philip, and assured all of his 
favor. 



232 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

The Elector Maurice liad before this been exhorted to 
restore the University, and he had now returned a gracious 
answer. Melanchthon rejoiced that he was able to return 
to Wittenberg again. On the 25th of June, he departed 
thither, accompanied by Bugenhagen, Cruciger, and Eber ; 
after having declined the invitation to remain as professor 
in Leipzig. He wrote to Camerarius : ''I do not know 
how long I shall remain here." And to Weinlaub: " The 
deliberations in regard to the restoration of the University 
are still very uncertain, for, as you may imagine, many 
difficulties stand in the way." And to Aurifaber, August 
4th : " You are familiar with the old accounts, with what 
great difficulty cities were restored after their destruction. 
How often was the rebuilding of Jerusalem hindered, after 
the return of the Israelites from Chaldea ! And yet the 
temple was finally restored. Thus will our University per- 
haps be restored again, although it be done slowly ; I trust 
that it may be accomplished by the help of God." The 
prince gave the best assurances that he would secure a new 
income ; and this was very necessary, for the University 
owned very little real-estate. Melanchthon was actually 
living at his own expense ; * and, as he remarked in the 

* Melanchthon's disinterestedness is evident from a letter written 
in former years by Luther to the Elector. He mentions Melanch- 
thon's hesitation to accept an increase of his salary to the amount 
of an hundred florins, and his wish to continue his Greek lectures 
without any remuneration, so that the ordinary stipend might be 
devoted to augment the revenue of the University. " But/' says 
Luther, "he has sustained the greatest share of academical labor 
for upwards of twenty years past, and surely he has the greatest 
right to enjoy in quiet some of the profits. He has been a kind of 
general servant to the whole institution, and well merits the bounty 
of your highness. The whole Christian world is his debtor, and, 
blessed be God, the Popish fraternity are more afraid of him and 
his scholars, than all the learned besides put together." — Secken- 
dorf. Cox. 



RESTORATION OF THE UNIVERSITY. 233 

last of the letters above, the restoration was progressing 
very slowly. But notwithstanding all this, he declined 
repeated offers from Konigsberg, Frankfort-on-the-Oder, 
&c., so firmly was he rooted in Wittenberg. He wrote to 
Meienburg : " Verily, if this University is not restored, a 
state of barbarism will fall upon the churches, which may 
God prevent !" On the 12th of August, he went with 
Eber to Dresden, in order to consult with Chancellor Cum- 
merstadt about the income of the University, without, how- 
ever, receiving any definite promises. His family were still 
in Nordhausen, whither he went to pay them a visit in 
October. He was accompanied by his son-in-law Sabinus, 
who, in compliance with Melanchthon's wishes, had brought 
his daughters to the house of their grand-parents, to be 
raised by them. At last, in the middle of October, the 
University was restored, and the family could again remove 
to the old home. 

By thus remaining in Wittenberg, in the service of the 
perfidious Duke Maurice, Melanchthon was much re- 
proached by the friends of the unfortunate prisoner, and 
his sons, who were establishing a University in Jena. And 
it will remain a question, whether it would not have been 
more honorable in him to have retired to Jena. However, 
we must hear the reasons which induced him to pursue this 
course. He justified this step, in various letters addressed 
to his friends. He wrote to the Pastor Aquila, in Saal- 
feld, August 29th : ^^As there seemed some prospect of the 
restoration of our University, and my colleagues earnestly 
conjured me to return, I was persuaded to do so by con- 
sidering the name of the University, my connection with 
my colleagues, and the desertion and afliiction of this 
Church, towards which many nations formerly directed 
20* 



234 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

their eyes. It seemed a mark of the special mercy of God 
that our city was not utterly destroyed, and I would regard 
it as a greater mercy still, if our University should be re- 
established. Although I know that many speak ill of me 
on account of this my return, I yet do not reply, but merely 
pray that my grief may be forgiven me. Ennius says a 
melancholy mind is always in error. In my great sadness 
I therefore longed too earnestly for my old friends, with 
whom I labored so long in one and the same excellent 
work. I also hoped too much in these insecure times, 
when I believed in the possibility of the restoration of the 
University, the certainty of which is not yet apparent. At 
all events, I did not seek carnal pleasures or treasures. I 
live here like a stranger at my own expense, in constant 
sorrow and prayer, and no day passes over my head with- 
out tears." As many friends of the Gospel entertained 
the suspicion that the truth would now be departed from 
in Wittenberg, Melanchthon declared in a letter to Aquila : 
" When those, of whom you write, say that the preachers 
of this place have deserted the truth, they do great injury 
to this Church, which is already sufficiently distressed. 
By God's grace, the voice of the Gospel now resounds as 
unanimously in the city of Wittenberg as it did before the 
war. And almost every week, ministers of the Gospel are 
publicly ordained, and sent into the neighboring districts. 
It was but this week that six pious and learned men were 
sent forth, all of whom declare, even as formerly, that they 
will preach the pure. Gospel to their hearers. And they 
are likewise examined, as in former times. The facts of 
the case prove that we have not changed our minds in 
regard to doctrine. We also offer up public and private 
prayers for the imprisoned prince. We do not hear any 



RESTOEATION OF THE UNIVERSITY. 235 

one speak ill of our prince, and the authorities of this city 
would not permit anything of the kind. Therefore, I be- 
seech you, do not believe those who slander us, or the 
Church here ; I hope that God himself will confute them, 
and deliver us from their envenomed tongues. I myself 
honor the imprisoned prince with devout reverence, and 
daily commend him to God with tears and supplications, 
and pray God to deliver and guide him. As this is true, 
I am amazed at the levity of the slanderer who accuses me 
of the cruelty of preventing prayer for the prince. But I 
will beseech God, that he would protect his Church every- 
where, and that he would also deliver us from such slanders 
in this our great distress." 

Melanchthon thus openly expresses himself in regard to 
his position at that time, and we are warranted in believing 
that these were the honest and sincere sentiments of his 
heart. But still more difficult relations arose, in which 
his Christian character was to be tried in the severest 
manner. The following chapters will show how he de- 
meaned himself in these. 



236 LIFE OF ME LANG HT HON 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

THE DIET OF AUGSBURG AND ITS INTERIM. 

The Emperor Charles, proud of his victories, would not 
be satisfied until he also succeeded in securing the second 
leader of the League of Smalkald, the Landgrave Philip 
of Hesse. For this purpose he also employed Duke Mau- 
rice, which was especially disgraceful, because he was the 
son-in-law of the Landgrave. Maurice did not believe 
that the Emperor would capture the Landgrave treacher- 
ously, in order to lead him behind his victorious chariot, 
as he did with Duke John Frederick. The Landgrave 
yielded to persuasion, and upon his knees asked the Em- 
peror's pardon ; yet, notwithstanding all assurances to the 
contrary, he was seized and made a close prisoner. Thus 
the League of Smalkald was destroyed, and the Emperor 
found himself the mighty monarch of all he surveyed. 

In the meantime, the Council of Trent had published 
several articles of religion, which were opposed to the 
acknowledged Evangelical truth ; and the Pope had now 
also removed it from Trent to Italian soil, to Bologna, in 
order to have it completely in his power. This displeased 
the Emperor, who did not like to see the Pope assuming 
too powerful and prominent a position. On the 1st Sep- 
tember, 1547, he had opened another diet at Augsburg, 
towards which many looked with great anxiety. Not only 
the Ecclesiastical Electors, but also the Protestant princes 



THE DIET OF AUGSBURG AND ITS INTERIM. 237 

were induced, by his influence, to declare that they would 
submit to the Council, provided it should be removed back 
again to Trent, and the articles of religion would be re- 
considered. John Frederick alone opposed this ; while the 
Pope did the same on the other side, because he could not 
bear to see the growing power of the Emperor. But 
Charles had for years learned at least so much, that it 
would be utterly impossible to introduce into Germany a 
reformation such as the Papacy desired ; and because he 
wished to hold all the reins, not only of the worldly, but 
also of the spiritual government, in his own hands, he pro- 
posed to undertake the Reformation of the German Church 
himself. He had entertained this project for a long time, 
as he also manifested by the Ratisbon book, and now he 
believed he could carry out his plans, almost without any 
opposition, as the German States were prostrate at his feet. 
He therefore proposed to these to appoint a number of able 
K men to meet and deliberate for the present, upon a form 
H of doctrine and discipline for the Church. In January, 
HL 1548, Duke Maurice had demanded the opinion of the 
^B Theologians of "Wittenberg, in regard to this matter. On 
the 26th of January, they replied : " We see that it is in- 
tended to form an interim, which many States, who are 
now one with us in doctrine, will not receive, which will 
cause new and great wars. Therefore, we need the Grace 
of God and good counsel in this matter, which we dread 
very much. It would be burdensome besides, to afflict our 
Churches by new changes ; and it would be Christian and 
beneficial to suffer them to remain in their present condi- 
tion." As the Elector had summoned them to Augsburg, 
they declared they would hold themselves in readiness. 
In regard to the Council, which was to be continued in 
Trent, Melanchthon expressed himself to the following 



238 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

purpose : " I believe, that if we agree to holding it, we are 
also bound to obey its decrees. But as various articles are 
false and opposed to divine truth, I cannot advise their 
adoption, and thus burden my conscience. But if the Em- 
peror should insist upon a General Council, the other side 
should also be heard. The Emperor should be urged to 
permit an accommodation in Germany, as had been ad- 
vised in Spire. And both sides should present written 
opinions." 

It is highly gratifying that Melanchthon behaved so 
valiantly in this matter. And this must be valued still 
more highly, when we remember that the Emperor had 
twice already demanded his delivery. But the Emperor 
had already formed his plans. It is very likely that the 
Elector Joachim II., of Brandenburg, presented a writing 
to him, which, like the notorious book of Batisbon, endea- 
vored to bring about an agreement between the Catholics 
and Protestants. There is very little doubt of the fact, 
that the Elector's Chaplain, John Agricola, had composed 
a considerable portion of this book. When he entered his 
carriage in Berlin, he is said to have remarked that he was 
now going to Augsburg as the Reformer of Germany, and 
everywhere praised this performance exceedingly. The 
Emperor placed this document in the hands of the. two 
Catholic Theologians, Julius von Pflug and Helding, that, 
in connection with Agricola, they might revise it in such 
a manner that it might be introduced into Germany as a 
temporary form of doctrine and discipline of the Church. 
It is generally called fhe Augsburg Interim^ that is to say, 
the Augsburg " in the mean time." Agricola was so highly 
pleased with it, that he could not praise and magnify its 
advantages too much. It granted the cup, marriage of the 
priests, and the possession of confiscated church property 



THE DIET OF AUGSEUEG AND ITS INTERIM. 239 

to the Protestants ; and while it approximated their doc- 
trine of the Church, the mass, and justification, it demanded 
that the rights of the Bishops, the seven Sacraments, tran- 
substantiation, the invocation of saints, fasting, and cere- 
monies, should be retained. When Duke Maurice had 
received the book, he sent it to Melanchthon, who, from 
Altenburg, gave his opinion as follows : "It resembles the 
Ratisbon book, some articles being more stringent, others 
more moderate. What it says of the power of the Bishops 
needs limitation. It speaks in a very weak manner of faith 
and grace, although much better than the Council of 
Trent." Of the Pope and the Bishops, he says : ''If the 
Pope has the true doctrine, w^e ought to obey him ; but if 
he has not the true doctrine, our obedience must end." 
He expresses himself in a very decided manner against 
some points in the articles on the Sacraments, auricular 
confession, marriage, the mass, and invocation of saints, 
and says : " Finally, I am not willing to burden my con- 
science with this book, for the following reason : If the 
rulers would insist that the Pastors should adhere to this 
to the very letter, it would cause great persecution, sorrow, 
and offences, which would have such an injurious influence 
upon many persons, that they would not believe in any 
form of religion after it." 

After a more thorough examination of the Interim, he 
published a still more decided and definite opinion from 
Klosterzelle, whither he had gone, because the Emperor 
had again demanded his delivery or exile. He pronounces 
a severer judgment in regard to the " deceitful article of 
faith and love." "In reality, this is its true meaning: 
faith is a mere preparation for justification, then cometh 
love, by which man is justified. That is as much as to say : 
man is just because of his own works and virtues, so that 



240 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

this light is taken away ; man is just and accepted by God^ 
for the sake of the Lord Jesus Christ, through faith." 
"" Thus man is led away from Christ to depend upon him- 
self, and thus loses the comfort he should find in the Son 
of God." He adds : ^' I pray that these things may be 
well considered, for they concern the glory of God and the 
harmony of all the Churches." And again : "If they wish 
to make a tolerable, Christian Interim, they ought doubt- 
less to make a difference between those matters which are 
right and needful, and those which are unnecessary, wrong, 
and, besides this, impossible. Why do they wish to deso- 
late the Churches on account of the needless and false 
masses for souls, invocations of the saints, &c. ?" For al- 
though the Interim admitted that the mass is no sacrifice 
for sin, and does not purchase forgiveness of sins, yet it 
still retained these four errors : the firsts that the priest 
offers the Son of God as a sacrifice in the mass ; the second, 
that by this the people obtain the merits of Christ ; the 
third, that departed saints are to be invoked; and the 
fourth, that this sacrifice is beneficial to the dead. " These 
are all terrible lies, and therefore these articles should not 
be agreed to." 

Thus did Melanchthon express himself, and the other 
Theologians, Cruciger, Maior, and Pfeffinger, agreed with 
him. The Elector Maurice had not been pleased with the 
Interim from the beginning, and declared that he would 
not undertake anything of the kind without consulting his 
people. "When he had, therefore, read Melanchthon's views, 
he demanded a full and dispassionate opinion from the 
Theologians. They went to Celle, and prepared one. On 
the 14th of April they sent it to the Elector, accompanied 
by a modest, yet determined letter. They again rejected 
A the articles of justification, private masses, masses for souls, 



THE DIET OF AUGSBURG AND ITS INTERIM. 241 

and tlio canons, wliile tliey agreed to confirmation, extreme 
unction, the power of the Bishops, private absolution with- 
out auricular confession, and several festivals and ceremo- 
nies, provided that work-holiness and the invocation of 
saints be abolished. Melanchthon wrote to Camerarius on 
the following day : "As long as I live I shall act as I did 
yesterday, and speak the same things, no matter where I 
shall be." "I have this consolation, that whatsoever 
Cometh from God shall not perish. And I would not wish 
that our opinions should pass down to posterity if they are 
not of God." 

He wrote a letter of justificpction to Minister Von Car- 
LOWITZ on the 28th of April, which gained him the ill-will 
of many of Luther's friends. We shall communicate some 
portion of it : " When the prince has formed his resolu- 
tions, I shall not make any disturbance, although I may 
not approve of many things in them, but will either remain 
silent or go away, or bear whatever arises. I have also 
formerly borne an almost unbecoming servitude when Lu- 
ther suffered himself to be led more by his nature, which 
was inclined to fight, than by his dignity, and the general 
welfare. And I know that we must silently and modestly 
bear and cover many defects in the afiairs of State, even 
as we must bear the evil efiects of a storm. But you tell 
me that I am not merely required to be silent, but to ap- 
prove of the Interim." He proceeds to show the minister 
that he is by no means quarrelsome, but had always been 
moderate and advising peace, so that the very persons 
who noAV appear in Augsburg as peacemakers, had calum- 
niated him at court on account of his moderation. " And 
afterwards others, for almost twenty years, called me frost 
and ice ; others again, that I agreed with the enemy. I 
21 



242 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON, 

recollect even, that one accused me of striving after a 
Cardinal's liat." But that notwithstanding all this, he 
had adhered to essentials in doctrine, cutting off all useless 
questions. He did not wish a change of doctrine, or the 
expulsion of worthy men, and that he could only think of 
it with the greatest sorrow. He now discusses the separate 
articles of the Augsburg book, how much he would yield, 
and what he would adhere to. But, if he should be re- 
garded an obstinate fool, because he did not agree to all 
the articles, he would bear it, and imitate those who had 
preferred the truth to life in far less important things than 
these." We can easily discover his love of peace in all 
this, but also that he w^as determined not to yield in im- 
portant points. While many of the more decided Pro- 
testants misinterpreted his constant yielding, he drew upon 
himself the highest displeasure of the Emperor, who again 
wished his expulsion, but without gaining his purpose. 
Melanchthon about this time wrote to Jeeome Weller : 
" In the consciousness of having desired what is right, we 
shall bear all that may fall uj)on us. For, in obedience to 
the divine commandment, we have sought the truth, which 
was indeed buried in thick darkness, and w^e have brought 
many good things to the light of day. Therefore let us 
also hope that God will hear our groans. We have expe- 
rienced the uncertainty of the help of man." 

But the Interim did not only displease the Protestants, 
but the Catholic Electors and Bishops declared in Augs- 
burg that they would adhere to the old state of things, but 
would not object to it if his Imperial Majesty w^ould bring 
back the apostates to the right way. 

When Melanchthon had returned to Wittenlerg, he, by 
request, prepared an opinion concerning the demand of 



THE DIET OF AUGSBURa AND ITS INTERIM. 243 

the Bishops, that their jurisdiction should be restored to 
them ; in which he plainly declares, that it was impossible 
to enter into an agreement with the persecutors ; " and 
even if we would patch at it, it would be a peace like that 
between wolves and sheep." ''But as for myself, I de- 
clare that we have just and needful reasons for avoiding 
their false doctrine and abuses. For this is God's eternal 

and unchangeable commandment: Flee Idolatry." 

That the Bishops say of the Augsburg Confession, that it 
was never lived up to, I do not understand whom or what 
they mean. But it is certain that in the Churches of 
Saxony, and as far as Denmark, nothing more or different 
has been adopted than the doctrine contained in said 
"Augsburg Confession." The Interim was finally read 
to the States in the middle of May. The Catholics w^ere 
not pressed to adopt it, but the Protestants were required 
to adhere to it until the Council should have published its 
decrees. Thus the Emperor succeeded in carrying out his 
own wishes ; the Elector of Brandenburg signed it uncon- 
ditionally, but Maurice only under certain conditions. 
The Margraves WoLFGANa, and John von Custrin,^ and 
the prisoner John Frederick, refused to sign, as faithful 
witnesses of the truth, who would not permit it to be tam- 
pered with. The Protestant cities raised a general oppo- 
sition to it ; the cities of southern Germany alone yielded 
to force, as threats and abuse were employed against them. 
About 400 ministers of the Gospel in these cities remained 
faithful to the truth, and were banished. The cities of 
northern and eastern Germany greatly distinguished them- 
selves by their resistance, especially Magdeburg, which 
now called itself the chancery of God. The Protestants 
could with great justice say of the Interim : 



244 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

*' Blest is the man, who can put trust in God, 
And does not consent to the Interim, 
For it is but a roo;ue in dis2;uise/^* 



CHAPTER XXYIII. 

HOW THE INTERIM FARED IN THE ELECTORATE OF SAXONY 

AYe have already heard that the Elector Maurice only 
signed the Interim conditionally. Partly because he did 
not approve of many things in it, and partly also because 
he did not think it possible to enforce it in his dominions, 
■where the Heformation had taken such deep root, he pre- 
sented a protest at Augsburg, in which he explained that 
he could not at once forc5*4he Interim upon his people ; it 
would be necessary first to consult the Chambers ; but what- 
ever he could do with God and a good conscience he would 
diligently do, so that he should not be found w^anting. In 
the month of June he returned to his dominions, and de- 
manded a full opinion from his Theologians at Wittenberg. 
It was composed by Melanchthon, and was already the 
fourth which the miserable Augsburg Interim had called 
forth. With a bold faith he declares in the beginning: 
^'Although war and destruction are threatened, we ought 

* Agricola was liberally rewarded by the Emperor and by Ferdi- 
nand ; and Sidonius obtained the Bishopric of Merseburg. This 
furnished occasion for a common joke upon them, "that thoy only 
defended the Popish chrism and oil as necessary to salvation, that 
they might come off the better greased themselves." — Sleidan, in 
Cox. 



HOW THE INTEEIM FARED IN SAXONY. 245 

to esteem the commandment of God greater, tliat is, we 
should not deny the truth of the Gospel which has become 
known to us. Besides this, the doctrine of the Son of God 
and forgiveness of sins is a particular counsel of God, 
which He, in infinite mercj, has revealed, and wishes that 
all men should help to sustain this doctrine, in order that 
they may call upon him aright, and obtain salvation. Now 
we know, from many examples, that from Adam's time the 
devil has tried many arts, again and again, to extinguish 
or to darken this doctrine. In the third place, it should 
also be considered what great offence it would cause in our 
Churches, if false doctrine and idolatry should be publicly 
introduced into them again. For many pious persons 
would fall into great distress, and the true worship of God 
would be hindered." After the opinion has declared that 
the Theologians would heartily wish to see and enjoy peace, 
it yet demands that Saxony should not be troubled with 
the Augsburg Interim. " For it will certainly not be re- 
ceived in many countries and cities." They would review 
it, and openly and honestly confess the truth it contained, 
but condemn its errors. The Theologians particularly 
objected to the article on Justification, and said : '' We 
cannot advise any one to agree with the book in this 
point." They also rejected the article which treated of 
the Church and Bishops, and then entered upon an exami- 
nation of the various articles on the Sacraments, confirma- 
tion, extreme unction, repentance, confession, &c., and 
pointed out every defect, and confessed in conclusion : — 
"And whereas we have recently received notice that the 
preface of the work prohibits every one from preaching, 
teaching, or writing against the Interim, it is necessary, 
with all humility, to make this declaration : That we shall 
not change the true doctrine, as it has hitherto been 
21* 



246 LIFE OF MELAKCHTHON. 

preached in our churclies, for no creature has the right to 
change divine truth, and no one is permitted to deny truth 
when known to him." This lengthy opinion was signed 
by Bugenhagen, Pfeffinger, Cruciger, Maior, Melanchthon, 
and Froshel, and delivered into the Elector's hands. 

On the 2d of July he received his Chambers, together 
with several Theologians, one of whom was Melanchthon, 
in the city of Meissen. In his address to the Chambers, 
the Elector reviewed the entire course of things, and con- 
cluded by saying, that they should prove themselves dis- 
posed to assist the Emperor in whatever may be promotive 
of Christian harmony, quiet, peace, and unity, and can be 
done with the approbation of God and a good conscience." 
On the 4th of July, Melanchthon wrote to Maienburg: ''It 
has been resolved to address a most reverent letter to the 
Emperor, beseeching him not to urge the errors of this 
document upon our Church. I therefore entertain the 
hope that the Churches of these countries will not suffer 
any change." He wrote in a still more decided manner to 
Paul Eber, that those were greatly in error who believed 
that the dissensions in the Church could be removed by 
ambiguous efforts to bring about an agreement, because an 
irreconcilable war exists between the devil and the Son of 
God, even as it is written : " I will put enmity between the 
serpent and the seed of the woman." He thus concludes 
this letter: " But I beseech the Son of God, that he would 
rule and support our minds in confessing and explaining 
the truth !" The Elector had presented the Augsburg 
Interim to the Chambers, together with the intimation that 
they should take the advice of the Theologians. This was 
done. Melanchthon immediately began the work, and par- 
ticularly treated of the articles on justification and good 
works, which were the most rotten in the Interim, and on 



now THE INTERIM FARED IN SAXONY. 247 

wliicli so much, it may even be said all^ depended. He, 
on the whole, considered it most advisable to pray the 
Emperor to exempt Saxony from the Interim. The The- 
ologians communicated these views to the Chambers : " This 
is our opinion, we should prefer above all if these churches 
could remain as they now are. For a change would pro- 
duce great trouble and offence." The Chambers agreed to 
this proposition, and besought the Elector to write to the 
Emperor to that effect. But Maurice, who was bound by 
the Emperor's kindness towards himself, declared that he 
could not thus utterly reject the Interim — that they ought 
to yield in indifferent matters ; but that he would postpone 
the matter to the next meeting of the Chambers. 

The adoption of the Interim was particularly urged by 
the Elector Joachim of Brandenburg, or rather by the 
author, his Court Chaplain Agricola, who entertained a 
very high opinion of it, and on his return from Augsburg 
endeavored to persuade Aquila of Saalfeld to agree to it. 
But he came to the wrong person, who said of the Interim, 
" that in the beginning it showed the sheep's clothing, but 
afterwards the ravening wolf." 

When Agricola exclaimed against Melanchthon's Opi- 
nion : ''Away with Philippus ; he writes nothing but lies 
in his book, the Opinion. Eie upon you ! there is not a 
word in it but they are ashamed of." Aquila answered: 
" Let us not abuse our teachers, but highly honor them ; 
Master Philip Melanchthon will be able to defend him- 
self." Then Eisleben, (for Agricola was also known by 
this name,) replied : " I will summon Philip to come to me, 
and will read the text to him ; for the land must be utterly 
ruined if they oppose the Interim." Aquila replied: ''If 
the devastation of countries is the fruit of the Interim, it 
would be better if it had never been born." Airricola Avas 



248 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

indeed obliged to liear mucli of such misery, but in Saxony 
the Interim made no progress at all. Melancbtbon also 
hoped that the people of Saxony would give a brilliant 
evidence of their constancy, as he at this time expressed 
himself very decidedly in his letters to various friends. 
The Margrave John of Brandenburg-Ciistrin, who did 
not at all agree with the Elector Joachim, in regard 
to the Interim, and who by not subscribing it in Augsburg 
had incurred the displeasure of the Emperor, demanded 
an opinion from Melanchthon. He replied on the 31st of 
July, that godly and sensible ministers could not adopt it, 
because it was false in the article on justification : "As 
regards my own person, by God's grace I will not approve 
of this book, called Interim, for which I have very im- 
portant reasons ; and I shall commend my poor life to God, 
whether I be imprisoned or banished." But, as to what 
counsel should be given to rulers, many things might be 
said. There are points in this book which no prince, who 
understands the truth, could receive under any circum- 
stances. As many cities would not approve of it, it would 
be best not to hasten with a reply. Perhaps the Emperor 
would be satisfied if a prince should ofi'er to maintain uni- 
formity in non-essentials, and would besides declare what 
he could and what he could not adopt. But if a govern- 
ment adopts the Interim, it also pledges itself to persecute 
innocent pastors. Whether rulers are to defend them- 
selves ? To this he replies : "As the father of the family 
is bound, as far as he is able, to protect his wife and chil- 
dren, if a murderer should break into his house, so are 
rulers bound, as far as they can, to protect their churches 
and innocent subjects ! Whoever wishes to confess the 
truth, should commend himself to God, and remember that 
it is written : the hairs of your head are all numbered." 



now THE INTERIM FARED IN SAXONY. 249 

Thus (lid lie always advise. Although he may have recom- 
mended compliance in indifferent matters, he never advised 
any one to submit to a change of doctrine. 

We have already heard that Maurice had postponed the 
final decision in regard to the Interim, to the next meeting 
of the Chambers. But before this meeting in Torgau, he 
thought it advisable to enter into negotiations with the two 
Bishops of his dominions, Pflug of Naumburg, and Mal- 
titz of Meissen, in order to yield everything to the Em- 
peror which could be yielded in accordance with the pure 
doctrine and conscience. On the 23d of August, prince 
George of Anhalt and Forster, and Melanchthon with 
Eber, instead of Cruciger, who w^as ill, met the two Bishops 
in Conference in Pegau. The Elector, proceeding from 
the principle that we must give to God the things that are 
God's, and to Csesar the things that are Caesar's, said, that 
he expected that they would not be "obstinate" in those 
matters which might be granted without detracting from 
the honor of God, or offending conscience. Of course this 
conference adjourned after a few days, without having ac- 
complished anything, for the two Bishops would not agree 
to any change of the Interim. On the 30th of August, 
Melanchthon returned to Wittenberg by way of Leipzig, 
to behold the approaching end of one of his dearest friends, 
Caspar Cruciger, vfho died on the 16th of November. The 
sick man, shortly before his death, had a heavy and alarm- 
ing dream. He said to Froshel : " Oh, what a terrible 
and cruel disputation I held in my dream to-day." When 
he asked to hear the particulars, he replied : "I cannot 
tell. They wished to persuade m.e, and to absolve mc in 
regard to it, that it would be all right, and do me no harm, 
but I protested against it." Froshel began to comfort him, 
and Cruciger wished to receive absolution of his sins. 



250 LITE OF MELANCHTHON. 

When he had heard it, he began to praj fervently for the 
church, and with his hands clasped together, he frequently 
repeated these words: "Father, sanctify them by thy 
truth, thy word is truth ; grant that they may be one in 
us." Froshel endeavored to comfort him by a somewhat 
longer address, to which the dying man replied "Amen !" 
in a soft tone, and soon after fell asleep in the Lord. We 
may imagine the greatness of Melanchthon's sorrow, when 
he received the sad news at the meeting of the Chambers 
at Celle. He wrote to Dietrich in Nuremberg, that God 
had at last called Caspar to the heavenly university. Al- 
though no one was more distressed at this death than he 
himself, because they had been most intimate friends, he 
yet congratulated him upon this happy journey, because 
he was thereby removed from many sad scenes. 

The Chambers had met in Torgau, on the 18th of Octo- 
ber. Already on the first day of the session, five knights 
and two Electoral chancellors, no doubt at the instigation 
of the Elector, arose and presented a document, in which 
they explained what they thought of the Augsburg Inte- 
rim, and what they believed might be yielded. They also 
at the same time admonished the Theologians to yield in 
indifferent matters, and thus to save the country from great 
afflictions. Their proposition leaned towards the Interim, 
and wished to reintroduce the Catholic state of things, 
which had been abolished by the Reformation. On the 
20th of October, Melanchthon departed from Torgau, 
deeply distressed at the plans of the Electoral Court, as 
he himself writes to the prince of Anhalt. In this letter 
of October ^-th, he says that he would not countenance 
troublesome alterations of doctrine, and Avould rather suffer 
banishment or death. He believes that the Emperor's favor 
could be secured by introducing confirmation, excommuni- 



HOW THE INTERIM FARED IN BAXONY. 251 

cation, and foolish fasting. But wherefore also the mass ? 
He saw very well that they did not merely wish to recon- 
cile the Emperor, but also to introduce private masses. 
" If they wish this, I wish they would acknowledge it at 
once, for I know that I cannot prescribe laws to them ; but 
those could depart who would not be satisfied with such a 
change of the churches." As late as November 14th, he 
wrote to Maienburg, that he had indeed always replied 
with moderation, but that he would never consent to a 
change of doctrine, and of the mass. This he was now to 
prove when he came to Celle, with Bugenhagen and 
Maior, November 16th. The Superintendents Lauter- 
BACH, of Pirna, and Weller, of Freiberg, and also Came- 
rarius, of Leipzig, were present. They were requested to 
revise the Liturgy, which had been prepared in the days 
of Duke Henry, of Saxony, approved by Luther, and 
printed in the year 1539, and had been used in the terri- 
tory of Misnia up to the present time ; but these changes 
were to be made in the spirit of the Interim. The Theo- 
logians declared, on the 18th of November, that God, who 
knows the hearts of all men, knows that we do not contend 
in an inconsiderate, wilful, or obstinate spirit, but are 
really anxious for peace ; but that they could not accept 
false doctrine and idolatrous ceremonies. 

Upon this the deputies, without the assistance of the 
clergy, placed together all the articles. This document is 
called the Recess of Celle. It was to be laid before the 
next meeting of the Chambers. But previously to this, 
the Electors Maurice and Joachim met in Jiiterbock on the 
16th of December, and signed this Becess. The Cham- 
bers met in Leipzig on the 21st of December, to which 
Maurice had summoned all the deputies of his dominions. 
The Theologians present were the Prince of Anhalt, Me- 



252 LIFE OF MELANCniHON. 

lanchtlion, Gresser, of Dresden, PfefSnger and Camera- 
rius, of Leipzig. The Elector presented the Recess of 
Celle, and called upon the Chambers to be obedient in 
everything which duty to God and conscience would permit 
them to yield. " That will be your own greatest advan- 
tage, and also for the peace and quiet of our dominions.'* 
The Interim of Celle contained the pure doctrine of the 
Evangelical Church, and merely wished to adopt such 
usages and ceremonies from the Catholic Church as 
were indifferent or non-essential. The Interim which was 
prepared here in Leipzig, with a reference to previous 
forms of agreement, is called the Leipzig Interim, They 
did not dispute about the fall of man ; and in regard to 
Justification, they had already come to terms at Pegau. 
They declared in this part that man is not justified by 
works, but by mercy, gratuitously, without our merit, so 
that the glory may redound to Christ, and not to man. 
But yet man is not a block ; he is drawn in such a manner 
that his own will also co-operates. Of Crood Works, they 
taught that God indeed accepts men for Christ's sake, but 
that nevertheless good works are very needful. They said 
of them, that they must be in us, and are needful to sal- 
vation. Melanchthon had composed these articles, while 
the remaining ones were prepared by the Elector's coun- 
sellors. Of the Church, they said that we must receive 
what she teaches, '' as she shall not and cannot command 
anything opposed to the Holy Scriptures." All other 
ministers of the Church should be subject and obedient to 
the bishops, who discharge their office according to the 
commandment of God, and use it for edification, and not 
for destruction. Baptism is to be administered with exor- 
cism, the presence and confession of Christian sponsors, 
and other ancient, Christian ceremonies ; and so likewise 



now THE INTERIM FARED IN SAXONY. 253 

Confirmation. Hejjentance, Confession, and Absolution, 
are to be taught, and no one admitted to the most holy 
sacrament of the body and blood, without confession and 
absolution. Extreme Unction might be practised accord- 
ing to the customs of the Apostles, yet without any super- 
stition and misapprehension. The ministers of the Church 
should be earnestly and diligently examined prior to ordi- 
nation. The 31ass should be celebrated in future with 
ringing of bells, lights, and vessels, singing, appropriate 
dress, and other ceremonies. It also referred to further 
particulars as to the manner of celebrating mass. The 
pictures of the passion of Christ and the saints may be 
present to remind us of them, but are not to receive any 
divine honor. The hymns are also introduced again. The 
days of Corpus Christi and the festivals of the holy virgin 
are to be added to the other festival days. Abstaining 
from meat on Saturday and Friday, and in Lent, is intro- 
duced as an outward observance. The ministers of the 
Church are to dress differently from the laity. 

The Chambers accepted this Interim, only expressing 
their scruples in regard to Ordination, Confirmation, 
Anointing (Chrism) the festival of Corpus Christi, and the 
Mass. They were assured in regard to this by a declara- 
tion from the Theologians, December 28th, and the Elector 
also gave assurances. On the 6th of January, 1549, Me- 
lanchthon returned to Wittenberg, and on the same day 
wrote to Maienburg : " The Leipzig negotiations effect no 
change in the Church, because the contention in regard to 
the mass and the canon is postponed until further negotia- 
tions. Yet I wish that some things had been prepared 
differently." 

22 



254 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 



CHAPTER XXIX. 

DISPUTES ABOUT THE LEIPZIG INTERIM. 

■ The more decided and strict adherents of Luther, who 
had before found so much fault with Melanchthon, now 
exhibited particular enmity towards him. He was bitterly 
reproached on account of his compliance. But we now 
enter upon a part of the history of his life, and of the evan- 
gelical Church, which is not of a very refreshing character. 
But this too should not be wanting, and will exhibit Me- 
lanchthon to us in such a light that we cannot refuse our 
sympathy, and even acknowledgment to the goodness of 
his heart, although we may regret the want of an energy 
like Luther's. These disputes mainly arose from the 
Interim. In the month of January, the Theologians of 
Berlin made inquiries of those at Wittenberg concerning 
the Interim. Agricola had boasted very much of it in the 
pulpit, and said that now the door of all Europe was opened 
to the Gospel. They wished to know now whether they 
comprehended among these '' indifferent things," all that 
had been customary in the Papacy, such as holy water, 
salt, herbs, palms, consecration of unleavened bread, pro- 
cessions with flags and torches, unction at baptisms and 
sick-beds, the laying of the cross in passion-week, &c. 
They therefore asked for a copy of the agreement of Jiiter- 
bock, and, on the whole, a fuller explanation of these in- 
different things, or Adiaphora, as they are called. They 
also asked for further explanations in regard to extrema 



DISPUTES ABOUT THE LEIPZIG INTERIM. 255 

unction. They' replied by Bngenhagen and Melanchthon, 
on the 11th of January. They were not able to send the 
articles of Jiiterbock, because they had not been present 
at the secret conference, and did not possess a copy of 
them. They did not enumerate the consecration of oil and 
salt among indiiferent things, and had always rejected this 
and other matters. They exhorted those of Berlin to 
adhere to the Church discipline formerly given by the 
Elector. They also added this much-disputed sentence : 
''As such great devastations are occurring in other places, 
we believe that it is better to endure a hard servitude, if it 
can only be done without impiety, than to separate our- 
selves from the Churches." Questions and answers, how- 
ever, did not everywhere pass off as well as in this instance. 
The excitement increased among the more determined 
friends of truth, when the Interim was about to be intro- 
duced ; and the prince of Anhalt had considerably revised 
and altered the Liturgy, which had been introduced by 
Duke Henry. Several conferences were held, and Me- 
lanchthon was again actively engaged. On the 13th of 
April he was present at a meeting of the Chambers at 
Torgau, where the Interim was to be read. He here com- 
municated the fact, that an adherent of Flacius, most likely 
Deacon Schultz of Torgau, had accused the Theologians of 
an intention to lead the people back again to Popery. He 
at the same time presented a defence to the Chambers, in 
which he showed that it would be necessary to yield some- 
what in indifferent matters, if the main things in doctrine 
and the Sacrament w^ere sustained. But that they had 
also yielded somewhat, because they had been seeking to 
bring about uniformity in doctrine and ceremonies. But 
this could not be looked upon as strengthening the Papacy. 
Their opponents declared, indeed, that fear had driven 



256 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

them to compliance, but to this tliey would reply: ''We 
ought not to be condemned for being so fearful as to yield 
indifferent to needful things, and that we are thus fearful, 
not for our sakes, but the good of the people, children, and 
the entire government." Luther himself had frequently 
advised compromises in indifferent matters. That they 
had not introduced any new ceremonies. He defends him- 
self most powerfully against the objection, that they were 
introducing idolatry, and thus concludes: "This is indeed 
a new form of Popery, that these violent persons wish to 
force every one to hold the same opinions as themselves, 
and fearfully condemn every one who does not at once agree 
with them." 

The ministers of Hamburg also addressed a long epistle 
to the Wittenbergers, in which they condemn the principle 
expressed by them in their reply to those of Berlin, that 
it would be better to endure a hard servitude in indifferent 
things, than to leave the churches on their account. They 
thought that too many things were comprehended under 
this term, and wished the Theologians of Wittenberg to 
explain what they meant by indifferent things. Melanch- 
thon replied in a very friendly manner, on the 16th of 
April. He begins thus: "We are pleased if you admonish 
and correct us in the spirit of love ; for this is a very 
necessary duty in friendship, and much more in affairs of 
the church. But yet, we entreat you that you would judge 
us leniently, according to your wisdom, reputation, and 
benevolence ; and that you would not condemn old friends 
who have labored much for more than twenty years, and 
have endured, and do still endure, the greatest conflicts, as 
we are furiously persecuted by certain other persons, with 
many false accusations. We therefore do not reply to 
them, lest hatred and discord might be still more inflamed, 



DISPUTES ABOUT THE LEIPZIG INTERIM. 257 

in these sorrowful times." He declares that, by the grace 
of God, the same Gospel is still preached in Wittenberg, 
as in Hamburg, They would never permit any alterations 
in doctrine, and in the Lord's Supper, because these were 
the eternal counsels of God. They had far more to con- 
tend with than those who abused them. They did not 
consent to anything in customs and ceremonies which con- 
tradict the word of God. He further declares that by 
indifferent things, or Adiaphora, they did not understand 
magical consecrations, adoration of images, nor carrying 
about of the consecrated bread and the like, which they 
rejected by their w^ords and writings, yea, not even the 
ridiculous stuff which occurs at funerals. Among the 
Adiaphora, they counted those things which the ancient 
Church already possessed, such as festivals, public read- 
ings, confession and absolution before the Lord's Supper, 
examination at confirmation, ordination to the ministerial 
office, and the like. He also defends the principle that it 

i would be better to endure a servitude not opposed to the 
word of God, than to leave the Church ; and he also thinks 
ithey should rather have been comforted than condemned, 
inasmuch as they still adhered to the true foundation. In 
conclusion, he urges unity. But the Wittenbergers, and 
Melanchthon, who was looked upon as their leader, were 
to endure still severer conflicts. We, in passing, will 
merely refer to the two pastors, Zwilling and Schultz, 
in Torgau, who preferred to be deposed from their minis- 
try, rather than wear the white surplice, and called those 
who wore it, traitors and idolaters. Melanchthon regarded 
these manifestations with great regret, and in his sorrow 
wrote to the Prince of Anhalt : "I would rather go into 
exile, than contend continually with such obstinate men." 
But Melanchthon's principal opponent at this time, and 
22* 



258 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

also afterwards, was Matthias Flacius, who indeed em- 
bittered his life in an indescribable manner. He was born 
of respectable parents in Albona, in Illyria, in the year 
1520 ; and after the death of his father, went to Milan 
and Venice, to prosecute his studies When a youth, he 
already loved the Bible, and intended to enter a cloister, 
to serve God better. But a pious monk, who afterwards 
suffered martyrdom for the Gospel's sake, dissuaded him 
from this step, and revealed to him how the Gospel, which 
had been darkened by the Papacy, had again been brought 
to light by Luther. This at once kindled a fire in the 
heart of the inflammable young man. Against the wishes 
of his relatives, and supplied with a very slender purse, he 
set out for Germany, and in the year 1539 arrived at 
Basle. He here found a really paternal friend in the well- 
known reformer, Simon Gryn^us. He made rapid pro- 
gress in the study of divinity, both at this place, and also 
in Tubingen, whither he went the following year. How- 
ever, he felt himself drawn to Wittenberg, the mother-city 
of the Beformation. Here he enjoyed the good fortune, 
so often longed for, to hear Luther and Melanchthon ; and 
he also enjoyed many benefits, especially at the hands of 
the latter. In Wittenberg, he for three years passed 
through severe inward conflicts, for he could not believe 
divine grace, and deeply felt the wrath of God abiding 
upon him. Bugenhagen brought the greatly-distressed 
young man to Dr. Luther, who, as is well known, had been 
made a powerful comforter by his own deep experience ; 
and it seems that from -that time, light began to arise in 
his troubled heart. In the year 1544, he was already 
professor of the Hebrew language in Wittenberg, and 
taught with great success. At his marriage in the year 
following, he rejoiced to see Dr. Luther present at the 



DISPUTES ABOUT THE LEIPZIG INTERIM. 259 

wedding. He was greatly attaclied to the reformer, and 
with him hated everything that savored of Popery. How- 
ever, he evidently proceeded much further in this respect 
than Luther, who was willing to suffer wholesome customs 
to remain, even though they came from the Catholic 
Church. On this account, Flacius regarded the Interim 
with the greatest displeasure ; and spoke with Eber, Maior, 
Pomeranus, and particularly Melanchthon, that they should 
zealously oppose it by word and deed. But when he saw 
that they would not consent, but rather, as we know 
already, accepted the Interim of Leipzig, he published 
various severe writings against the Interim and its de- 
fenders, yet without mentioning his name. And as the 
Interim succeeded notwithstanding all this, and was about 
to be introduced into Wittenberg, he resolved rather to 
leave Wittenberg than see this change. He removed to 
Magdeburg, where various persons, among them Amsdorf, 
who had been expelled from his bishopric, who were all 
highly incensed at the compliance of the Wittenbergers, 
had taken up their residence. 

The most violent publications were sent forth from this 
Chancery of God, as Magdeburg was called. They gave 
various insulting names to their opponents at Wittenberg, 
such as knaves, Samaritans, and Baalites ; but Melanch- 
thon was the principal mark of their attacks, because they 
blamed him especially for the introduction of the Interim. 
In a letter to Moller, he thus temperately expresses his 
sentiments in regard to the Interim: "I often advised that 
no innovations should be made now, for the people would 
at once cry out that we were destroying the Gospel, or at 
least beginnino; to do so. But the courts exclaimed that it 
would be necessary to yield somoAvhat to the Emperor, so 
that he would not send his armies into these parts, and 



260 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

suppress the Churcli, as lie did in Swabia. But although 
I am not able to say whether we shall appease the 
Emperor by the re-introduction of a few indifferent cere- 
monies, yet the courtiers declare that such will be the 
case, and exhort us not to expose the fatherland and the 
Church to devastation, on account of these non-essential 
matters. We therefore contend for essential matters, for 
purity of doctrine, and the form of the Lord's Supper, so 
that the Papal mass may not be introduced again, as it 
was done amid the groans of all the godly, in Swabia. 
But I have never contended about holidays, the order of 
hymns, and similar matters ; and I do not believe that 
such contention could be reconciled with the moderation 
needful in the present troubled state of the Church. But 
when some are opposed to all order, and all laws, it really 
seems far too uncivilized to me. I have many years ago 
wished that our churches might introduce a few ceremonies. 
A similarity in such matters, conduces to unity. Of 
course, there must be moderation in all such things. "We 
do not make the least alterations in doctrine or essentials. 
But transubstantiation is the fountain of all the misery 
in which we find ourselves at the present time, and which 
awaits the Church in future. This has added strength to 
the Papal mass, concerning which we shall again hear the 
most severe commands of the Emperor at the next diet. 
You know that I have treated all other questions of dis- 
pute in a manner calculated to remove all doubts from the 
mind of every pious man, who judges leniently; but in 
regard to the question of transubstantiation, I have always 
been very short, owing to the slanderous judgments of 
some of our own side." 

The men at Magdeburg, and Flacius particularly, would 
not be silent ; but Melanchthon did not reply. He speaks 



DISPUTES ABOUT THE LEIPZIG INTERIM. 261 

of this in a letter to Baumgartner : ^' I have not yet an- 
swered our neighbors in the city of Parthenope, (Magde- 
burg,) because the facts themselves refute them ; and what 
a conflagration would be caused, if we should reply !" He 
was induced to remain silent by his love of peace, and 
perhaps he also hoped that Flacius, owing to his extrava- 
gant views, would not secure many adherents. But in this 
he w^as mistaken ; and he says himself, in a letter written 
September 20th, to Pastor Lauterbach of Pirna: "If 
they do not stop challenging us, I shall answer them. In 
the meantime I will refute this outcry by other useful 
writings. We see how the devil is spurring on unruly 
spirits, to create greater confusion. We will therefore 
call upon the Son of God, our Lord Jesus Christ, to direct 
us." At last, October 1st, 1549, he replied to the attacks 
of Flacius. In answer to his reproach that doctrines were 
changed, and abolished ceremonies were being reintro- 
duced, Melanchthon gives the unequivocal reply, that he 
confessed all that he had recorded in his book. Loci Com- 
munes^ in which was found the doctrine of the Augsburg 
Confession of the year 1530. As far as the change of 
customs was concerned, he was free to confess that he had 
advised the Franconians and others not to leave the 
churches on account of this servitude, provided it could 
be borne without impiety. " But w^hen Flacius maintains 
that I have said the church ought by no means to be left, 
even if all the old abuses were to be introduced again, I 
pronounce this to be a palpable lie." He also particularly 
complains of this, that his opponent made use of expres- 
sions which had been uttered in private conversations and 
in jest. He concludes in a conciliatory manner, by saying 
that he had not taken up the pen on his own account, but 
for the sake of those w^ho were injured by the writings of 



2G2 LIFE or MELANCHTHON. 

Placius. " The J should satisfy themselves that they ad- 
hered to the true foundation faithfully in these churches, 
namely, the pure Gospel, all the articles of faith, and the 
use of the Sacraments without any perversion. And it is 
certain that the Son of God is present in such services, 
and hears the prayers of such an assembly." "^ 

In November he was summoned to Dresden on account 
of this affair. The Court of the Elector seems to have been 
at this time disturbed by the publications of Magdeburg. 
But let us hear what Melanchthon says of it, in a letter to 
the Prince of Anhalt : " They were deliberating at Court 
about a modest reply and refutation of the slanderous accu- 
sations of our neighbors. However, I advised them not to 
publish it ; for it is very evident that such publications do 
not cure and pacify slanderous persons, but rather tend to 
irritate them more. And Pythagoras has said, we ought 
not to extinguish a fire by the sword. The newest publi- 
cation of Magdeburg, in which they show very plainly that 
they thirst after my blood, was not yet known at court. I 
often think of departing : may God direct me ! The end 
will show what kind of spirit rules those who are troubling 
our already sufficiently troubled churches still more." 

These disputes still went on, and Placius published Me- 
lanchthon's letters which had been written with great 
timidity during the Diet of Augsburg. These were accom- 
panied by biting original notes from the hand of Flacius. 
Melanchthon said of him, in a letter written in January, 
1550: "I believe that honorable men detest his poison. 
For he does not contend for a principal point of doctrine, 
but publishes books filled with slanders and lies, by which 
he wishes to gain these two points : to render me detested 
by the people, and even to rouse those against me who still 
regard me with friendly eyes. But God, the searcher of 
hearts, will protect me against this slanderer." 



THE CONTLICT WITH OSIANDER. 263 



CHAPTER XXX. 

THE CONFLICT WITH OSIANDER. 

We can briefly pass over a conflict whicli arose in Ham- 
burg, concerning the object of Christ's descent into hell. 
The superintendent, ^pinus, of that place, had expressed 
the opinion that Christ's descent into hell was the last 
stage of his humiliation, and that he there sufiered the 
pains of hell for us. The Wittenbergers, at the head of 
whom we are always- to regard Melanchthon, declared in 
an opinion that the descent into hell represented Christ's 
victory over hell and the devil, and counted it, as it indeed 
is, one of the stages of his exaltation. But, although the 
contending parties were not entirely satisfied, yet this 
conflict did not produce such results as that excited by 
OsiANDEB, in regard to the doctrine of Justification, which 
may be called the heart's blood of the Evangelical Church. 
Andrew Osiander, or Hosenmann, or Hosen-Enderlein, 
was born of poor parents in Gunzenhausen, December 19th, 
1498. He contended with great poverty in the school and 
University ; but, by his talents, he soon acquired great 
knowledge, yet not equal to that of the learned Wittenberg 
Professor. Melanchthon always recognized his talents and 
other excellent gifts, so that he was anxious to draw him 
to Wittenberg to occupy the chair of Cruciger, when Osi- 
ander no longer wished to remain as Pastor in Nuremberg, 
on account of the Interim. Duke Albert of Prussia had 
once heard Osiander preach in JSTuremberg, and had been 



264 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

gained over to the side of the Gospel by that sermon. The 
Duke always remembered this gratefully, and was re- 
joiced that he was now able to call him as first professor of 
Divinity, to the new University of Konigsberg, in 1544, 
In his very first disputation, held April, 1549, he spoke of 
Justification, but in such a way, that it was very evident 
that he did not stand upon the ground of the Evangelical, 
but rather of the Catholic Church. He explained Justi- 
fication as meaning "to make just," and concluded that 
man becomes just before God by means of the righteous- 
ness or holiness communicated to him. He also entirely 
separated repentance from faith. When Melanchthon at 
first heard indistinct rumors of this Konigsburg dispute, 
he regarded it as a mere battle of words ; but he came to a 
very different conclusion when he received further particu- 
lars. On the 12th of August he wrote to Camerarius con- 
cerning Osiander, that he denied all imputation. And to 
a friend in Pomerania : " I do not believe that Osiander 's 
controversy is a mere dispute about words, but he differs 
from our Church in a very important matter, and darkens 
our only consolation in true conflicts, or rather destroys it, 
by teaching us to rely upon essential righteousness, and 
does not lead us to the promise which offers us mercy by 
the obedience of the Mediator." Osiander continued to 
express his views more boldly, and was much displeased 
with those who were constantly appealing to Melanchthon. 
He said that they should no longer offend him by the 
stupid words : " Our preceptor Philippus teaches differ- 
ently !" The confusion in Konigsberg increased. He 
now also published his work: "A Confession concerning 
the only mediator Jesus Christ, and Justification." In 
this he maintains that the Redemption, by the death of 
Christ, has been bestowed upon all men. By Justification, 



THE CONFLICT WITH OSIANDER. 265 

man is not only declared to he rigliteous^ but tie is made 
righteous^ inasmuch as the essential righteousness of God 
is communicated to him through faith in Jesus Christ. He 
disregarded the human nature of Christ entirely, and laid 
all stress upon his divinity, the righteousness of which 
enters the heart. He thus continued to adhere to his 
Catholic doctrine of Justification. 

On the 1st of May, 1551, Melanchthon wrote a friendly 
letter to Osiander, in which he assures him of his high 
esteem, and says : " You are greatly mistaken if you sus- 
pect me of entertaining different feelings." He at the 
same time also, in a supplement, added a few propositions 
for serious examination. But at last, when the views of 
Osiander seemed to be spreading more and more, he in 
January, 1552, published his v/eil-known work : '' Reply 
to the w^ork of Mr. Andrew^ Osiander concerning the justi- 
fication of man." As this work presents the pure doctrine 
of the Evangelical Church concerning justification, in a 
clear and calm manner, and at tlie same time also displays 
the amiable character of Melanchthon, it will not be amiss 
to present some extracts. He says in the beginning, that 
he rejoiced that others had also expressed their views in 
regard to this article ; however, he would likewise speak, 
having been called upon to do so, by many distinguished 
and other persons. He would express his opinions in a 
clear and simple manner, in order that those who have 
been filled with trouble and sorrow by this dispute, may 
see upon what it rests, and what will be for the comfort of 
their souls. He had never intended to depart from Lu- 
ther's views in this very important article. '' As for the 
slanderous attacks of Osiander, in which he does me wrong, 
I will leave these to God, who knoweth the hearts of all 
men, and who is our judge. I have always loved and 



266 LIFE or MELANCHTHON. 

honored liim, as every one knows, and I truly wonder 

whence all this bitterness proceeds I know that all 

my writings are too insignificant and weak, and therefore 
I have always submitted them to the judgment of our 
Church." He then proceeds to speak of the Grace of 
God and the fi^ee gifts, according to Romans v., and says, 
Grace is the forgiveness of Sin, and acceptance of our 
person with God ; but the gift is the divine presence in us, 
by which we are renewed, and find comfort and the begin- 
ning of life everlasting. These two, Grace and Gift, we 
have by the merits of Christ ; and this is not gained by 
our w^orks, but is alone obtained by our faith in the Lord 
Jesus Christ. This faith must ever continue, receive and 
retain both Grace and Gift, for the sake of the Mediator 
Christ, even though Regeneration has been commenced. 
It is like this, w^hen John says, that Grace and Truth 
came through the Lord Jesus Christ. Faith reposes all its 
confidence in the entire Lord Christ, God and man, even 
as the same Lord Christ God and man is Mediator and 
Redeemer according to both natures. For although the 
hum-an nature alone felt wounds and sujQTerings, yet the 
whole Christ is Mediator and Redeemer. For this suffer- 
ing would not have been the price, if the Redeemer were 
not God at the same time. They had at all times con- 
fessed that we must all undergo a change. 

Melanchthon refutes Osiander's objection, by which he 
asserted that nothing had hitherto been said in our churches 
of the indwelling of God in us. He then proceeds and 
says, that a distinction must be made between the righteous- 
ness of the saints after the resurrection, and of the saints 
during this life. Although God dwells in the saints, yet 
our n.itiire abounds with great impurity, and sinful defects 
and desires. Here it was needful for the saints to have 



THE CONFLICT WITH OSIANDER. 267 

comfort, and to know how thej have forgiveness of Sins 
and Grace. All this is proved bj passages of Scripture. 
He says that a principal passage is recorded in Rom. iii. 
^' Being justified freely by his grace, through the redemp- 
tion that is in Christ Jesus : whom God hath set forth to 
be a propitiation through faith in his blood." This all 
refers to the merits of Christ, and cannot be referred to 
the essential righteousness of the Father, the Son, and 
the Holy Ghost. He adds several other clear passages, 
which all speak of the merit of Christ. (Rom. 5, 1 John 1, 
Hebrews 10, Isaiah 53.) Here there is reference to Christ's 
merit alone, which we apply by faith. And this was 
preached also from the beginning, by the prophets. 
Osiander is mistaken, when he says : '' I call that righteous- 
ness which makes us do right. Here there is no mention 
of a forgiveness of sins." To this we reply: "We call 
the Lord Christ righteousness, by whom we have forgive- 
ness of sins, a merciful God, and besides, the presence of 
God within us." In this sense must we regard the Me- 
diator Jesus Christ, God and man, and hide ourselves in 
his wounds. Osiander confounds cause and effect. If he 
objects that this doctrine was calculated to fill men with a 
false security, they would reply : '^ We must teach the 
truth, give God the honor due to him, rebuke sin, and 
comfort troubled hearts with true comfort, although our 
hearers are not all alike." He is surprised that Osiander 
rejects this proposition : '' Faith is a reliance upon mercy 
which is promised us for the Mediator's sake." "There 
must be a difference between the faith which the devils 
have, and this faith which accepts the promise, and by 
which the heart obtains comfort and joy." In conclusion, 
he remarks, that he had written all this in haste, and had 
passed by many other points, in order to avoid greater 



268 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

disputes. But lie did not thus avoid them ; for Osiander 
is said to have remarked, when he read Melanchthon's 
confession, that " he woukl so bleed Melanchthon, that his 
blood should flow throughout Germany." He subsequently 
published two works, one of which was called " Bleeding 
of Mr. Philip," and the other "Refutation of the ground- 
less and useless answer of Philip Melanchthon." These 
contained slanders after the manner of Flacius. He not 
only attacked Melanchthon, but also the other teacliers of 
Wittenberg, in the m.ost violent manner. Pie particularly 
reproached them for not ordaining or declaring any one a 
Master or Doctor, unless he solemnly promised to teach in 
accordance with the three Confessions of Faith of the an- 
cient Church, and also the Augsburg Confession. Me- 
lanchthon, in his reply, acknov/ledged this to be the case ; 
but also that it had been introduced twenty years before 
by Luther, Bugenhagen, and Jonas, and was not only use- 
ful but necessary. But while the conflict was thus waged 
in the most violent manner, Osiander died, very unexpect- 
edly, on the 17th of October, 1552. When Melanchthon 
received the tidings of his death, he wrote to Veit Wins- 
heim : ''As you «ee, he had a short pilgrimage. Oh that 
he had made a better use of it ! Why was he so enraged 
against us ? Merely because w^e maintain that Ave must 
build upon the merits of Christ, and not upon our new life. 
This was the principal point of the whole controversy." 

Although the principal person was thus removed from 
the arena, yet the conflict did not cease, because his son- 
in-law FuNCK exerted- a great influence upon the aged 
Duke Albert. But when these errors of Osiander found 
adherents and champions in Germany, particularly in 
Nuremberg, they were finally condemned by the Church. 
They are still haunting various places, and find champions 



THE CONFLICT WITH OSIANDER. 269 

in the pulpit and the lecture-room. It is nothing less than 
the spirit of Osiander, to disregard too much the sufferings 
and death of Christ, that is, his humanity in general, and 
to look to the exalted one almost exclusively, and to place 
the sinner's justification before God more in the righteous- 
ness and holiness, which are communicated to him from 
thence. As Osiander had given prominence to the divine 
nature of Christ in his office as Mediator, another teacher 
of Konigsberg fell into the opposite error, and wished the 
humanity of Christ to be regarded alone in the work of 
Redemption and Justification. This was Francis Stankar, 
born in Mantua in Italy, who had left his native land for 
the love of the Gospel. He had formerly been teaching 
Hebrew in Krakau, and from thence came to Konigsberg. 
He here quarreled with Osiander, and resigned his office. 

When Melanchthon was asked in regard to his opinion 
of Stankar's views, he declared that Christ is Mediator 
according to both natures, for not only suffering and death, 
but also victory and intercession were necessary attributes 
of a Mediator. He also published a full opinion in refer- 
ence to this, in the year 1553. Besides these, one Lau- 
TERWALD of Hungary, also departed from the doctrine of 
Justification. He went to greater lengths than Osiander, 
for he taught that Repentance and new obedience were 
necessary to obtain the Grace of God. 

But we will leave these disputes here, to look upon the 
state of affairs in the German Empire. 



23* 



270 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON, 



CHAPTER XXXI. 

THE CHANGED ATTITUDE OF THE ELECTOR MAURICE. 

Pope Paul III., who had caused the Emperor Charles 
much trouble, died, and was succeeded in Eebruary, 1550, 
by Julius III., who owed his elevation to the Papal chair 
to the Emperor, and therefore also proved to be more 
accommodating. His very first step was to transfer the 
Council back again from Bologna to Trent. The Council 
of the Church was to be continued there on May 1st, 1551. 
When the Emperor opened a new Diet at Augsburg, July 
26th, 1550, he requested the States to send delegates to 
the Council. At the request of the Elector, Melanchthon 
had written an Opinion, in w^hich he urged the propriety 
of requesting the Emperor to call a Council in Germany ; 
further, that the Pope should not be Judge, but subject 
himself to the Council. Besides this, the articles already 
adopted in Trent should be reconsidered, and these reso- 
lutions should not depend altogether upon the hostile 
Archbishops, Bishops, and Prelates, but the Evangelical 
side should also be heard, and assist in passing resolutions 
in accordance with the divine Scriptures. But it mattered 
not whether the Council was called that of Trent or not, if 
the decrees were only " godly." The Opinion also demands 
a safe conduct to and from the place of meeting of the 
Council. Maurice, by his ambassador in Augsburg, de- 
clared himself in the spirit of this Opinion. The Emperor 



CHANGED vVTTITUDE OF THE ELECTOR MAURICE. 271 

made the very best promises that the States should find a 
safe conduct and hearing. After this, the Elector sum- 
moned Melanchthon, Bugenhagen, and Camerarius to 
Dresden in February, 1551, in order to hear their opinions 
in regard to the Council, and the men who should be sent 
to attend it. It appears that Melanchthon prepared his 
Opinion in Dresden. It again required that the articles 
should first of all be considered over again. That it should 
be stated, that they did not demand any other doctrine 
than that adhered to in the Churches of Misnia. This 
would be found in the Augsburg Confession, or in the 
Liturgy of the Elector of Brandenburg. The Prince ought 
to abide by this. They were not yet united in Dresden, but 
Melanchthon soon after received orders to prepare a new con- 
fession of faith. In May he retired to Dessau for a few days, 
in order to prepare this. He set out with this view, that it 
should be so prepared, that the doctrine of the Church might 
be plainly learned from it, and that it should be delivered in 
the name of the Clergy, and not of the Princes. This is the 
so-called Saxon Confession^ which is merely a repetition of 
the Augsburg Confession. Hq communicated a rough draft 
to the Court, and afterwards added some points in regard 
to Ordination, Examinations, and Church Visitations. This 
Confession throughout breathes a determined spirit, and 
does not endeavor to bring about an agreement with oppo- 
sing doctrines. It Avas signed by the envoy of the Mar- 
grave John, by many Saxon pastors, and afterwards also 
by the deputies of Mansfeld, Strasburg, Pomerania, and 
Anspach. But not a vy^ord more was said of the journey 
of the Saxon Clergy to Trent : the whole matter seemed to 
have been put to rest. In the meantime, the Elector 
Maurice had received orders to subdue the stubborn city 
of Magdeburg ; he accepted the Imperial commission, and 



272 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

the city defended itself in the powerful siege with great 
heroism. All Protestants anxiously regarded the fate of 
Magdeburg. Germany began to feel the oppressions of 
the Emperor, and especially of his Spanish troops, more 
and more from day to day. Not only Protestants, but 
also Catholics, were highly incensed ; especially, too, be- 
cause the captive Landgrave, Philip, was treated in the 
most unworthy manner. The Protestants were greatly 
excited against Maurice, for they regarded him as the 
betrayer of his relative, John Frederick, his own father-in- 
law, and the German cause, and also as a denier of the 
Gospel. And now, to crown all, he permitted himself to 
be employed against faithful Magdeburg. Maurice felt 
this, and as he had for some time been dissatisfied with the 
course of the Emperor, he resolved to separate himself 
from him. In the midst of his victory over the brave Mar- 
grave John von Custrin, who had come to the assistance 
of Magdeburg, he, as some one says, "went over to the 
Opinion of the conquered." He entered into a secret 
league with several Protestant princes, and promised to 
confess the Augsburg Confession again, and to risk his 
land and people in defence of this and German liberty. 
While he was negotiating with Erance to obtain money, 
and promised the King various German cities, he continued 
the siege of Magdeburg to conceal his real purpose. When 
France entered into an agreement with him, he offered 
pardon and religious protection to the city of Magdeburg, 
and also received their oath of allegiance. 

At this time, and also for the purpose of deceiving the 
Emperor, Melanchthon and Maior received orders to depart 
for Trent. In Nuremburg they should expect further 
orders. But they did not find any particular directions 



i 



CHANGED ATTITUDE OF THE ELECTOR MAURICE. 273 

how they should act ; nothing was said of the manner of 
their journey, of their expenses, or an escort. 

Melanchthon wrote to the Electoral Chancellor, MoR- 
DEISEN, on the loth of December, 1551: "I was surprised 
at this unexpected order. But as I do not wish to appear 
disobedient, I will depart for Leipzig to-morrow, and thence 
to you at Dresden, to learn further what you wish me to 
do, although I shall not be able to make this journey 
without danger at the present time, owing to my sorrows 
and bodily feebleness." He immediately carried out this 
proposed plan of his journey. He did not receive more 
light from the communications of the Electoral counsellors. 
However, he began to understand the Elector's object, and 
from Misnia he wrote to Eber: " Although many find fault 
with our journey, and I would rather enjoy the society and 
countenances of my family and friends, yet I obey, whether 
they are urging this matter at Court in earnest, or to 
deceive ; so that it may not appear that we, as has fre- 
quently been said, wish to avoid a public meeting, either 
from fear or wantonness." But when he heard that the 
Elector intended to unite with France in opposing the 
Emperor, he was much concerned, and thus expresses it in 
a letter to Maurice himself, January, 1552 : " It is indeed 
to be deplored that the Emperor does not release the 
Laudgrave ; but a union with France is unadvisable, as it 
cannot be depended upon. To unite with such persons, 
who were only anxious for disturbances, is sad and discre- 
ditable. Besides this, your Grace knows that the Emperor 
is the constituted authority, and that God generally ob- 
serves his law, to overthrow those who oppose authorities. 
The advice given by some, to take advantage of the Em- 
peror before he v>-ould fall upon us Avith the execution of the 
Council, was not an argument in favor of war and tumult." 



274 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

But the Elector seemed really to be in earnest in regard 
to his representation in the Counci], and personally 
addressed a letter to the Synod of Trent, in which he 
names Sarceeius, PACiEUS, and Melanchthon, as his depu- 
ties. From Leipzig, Melanchthon wrote to Wittenberg, 
requesting those who boarded with his family to seek ano- 
ther place : " For I have a long and dangerous journey 
before me, which the Son of God may direct, as I heartily 
pray he would do. But as the time of my return is uncer- 
tain, I did not wish to burden my family with too many 
cares." He also bade his hearers an aifectionate farewell: 
'' I conjure you to unite your prayers with the sighs of all 
the godly, that the Son of God may be pleased to lessen 
the chastisements which threaten us." And again : 
'' Therefore take notice of the divine wrath, and pray that 
God, in his wrath, would not forget mercy, for the sake of 
his Son. And in order that the prayer may be m^ore fer- 
vent, let your w^alk become Christian, and your hearts be 
awakened to repentance, according to the word of the 
Lord: 'Turn ye unto me, and I will turn unto you.' 
After saying that the Church was dear to the Lord, he 
closes thus: "May you comfort yourselves with this con- 
solation, which in public and private dangers shows the 
haven in which Christian hearts find rest; and in the 
meantime, may you be happy !" 

He departed on the 14th of January ; and on the 22d 
of the sanie month, he and his companions, to whom his 
son-in-law Peucer had joined himself, reached Nuremberg. 
But it began to be more evident that these envoys wgyq 
merely journeying to Trent in order to deceive. Tidings 
were brought from every quarter, that the Elector was 
assuming a hostile attitude against the Emperor. The 
envoys remained in Nuremberg without any further in- 



CHANGED ATTITUDE OF THE ELECTOE, MAURICE. 275 

structlons, and Melanclitlion preferred remaining here, to 
going to Trent for the purpose of engaging in fruitless dis- 
putations. At last, when no further directions came, he 
resolved to return, and arrived in Wittenberg on the 20th 
of March. 

In the meantime, Maurice had given information to the 
Saxon and Hessian Chamibers, that it was intended to deli- 
ver the imprisoned princes ; and soon his armies, and 
those of William of Hesse, and the Margrave Albert, 
departed from Culmbach, and united. While they were 
entering Augsburg, the King of France seized Metz, and 
called himself the defender of German liberty. The Em- 
peror, who was at that time at Innsbruck, had not the 
remotest idea of treachery until he read the declaration of 
the confederate princes, circulated throughout Germany, 
in which, not without reason, too, they accused him of 
suppressing the freedom of the German Empire. As he 
was without troops and money, and was suffering from his 
old complaint, the gout, he attempted to escape to the 
Netherlands ; but Maurice had already seized the narrow 
pass of Ehrenberg, so that the Emperor was compelled to 
return to Innsbruck. When Maurice saw that the Empe- 
ror was about to receive aid from various quarters, he 
resolved to storm the pass, and to seize the Emperor in 
Innsbruck. But during the night, Charles fled over the 
Tyrol to Yillach, in Carinthia. The day before, he had 
announced liberty to his captive, John Frederick, under 
this condition, that he would voluntarily follow the Impe- 
rial Court for a short time longer. Full of joy, the libe- 
rated prince sang a spiritual song of thanksgiving, and 
followed the Emperor. But the Council of Trent had been 
scattered like chaff before the wind, for they thought that 
Maurice was coming to disperse them. King Ferdinand, 



276 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

who liad always been a "better friend of the Germans than 
his brother, acted the part of mediator. 

A meeting was held in Passau, where the well-known 
Treaty of Passau was agreed npon, on the 2d of August, 
1552. In this treaty, so important to the Protestants, 
perfect religious freedom is secured to them, and they are 
to receive equal civil rights at the next diet; those who 
were banished received pardon, and the Landgrave Philip 
was restored to liberty. At first the Emperor would not 
consent to the treaty, but finally yielded to the earnest 
representations of his brother Ferdinand. The oppressions 
hitherto experienced in Germany now ceased ; the exiled 
ministers returned, and the Interim had reached its well- 
deserved end. John Frederick and the Landgrave Philip 
were at liberty again. When the latter, who had endured 
many afflictions, had returned to his dominions, he imme- 
diately entered a church in Cassel, and for a long time 
remained before the altar engaged in prayer. John Fre- 
derick, by his steadfast faithfulness and unwavering faith, 
had extorted the unwilling respect of the Emperor ; while 
Maurice had lost it to a considerable degree. When some 
one from Saxony welcomed John Frederick in Nuremberg, 
he said : "Go and tell it in your home that I come without 
arms, and that I do not intend to cause a civil warfare, 
and shall rather lose the remaining portion of my domi- 
nions than bring desolation upon the Fatherland." 

Melanchthon wrote to Moller : "You know, that by 
the grace of God, Duke John Frederick of Saxony is with 
his wife and children m Thuringia. This return without 
arms is far more glorious than a bloody victory. Posterity 
too will enrol this example among the testimonies that God 
hears the prayers of the godly, and softens our afflictions 
even in this world." 



CIIAXGED ATTITUDE OF THE ELECTOR MAURICE. 277 

When the old defender of the Faith returned to his own 
country, he was everjAvhere welcomed in the most joyful 
and affecting manner. From Wittenberg too, a letter of 
congratulation, written by Melanchthon, was sent to their 
old patron. They express their joy in this : '' First of all, 
that God has sustained your Grace in strength of body 
and soul, in Christian comfort and fidelity in your hours 
of trouble, and that he has thus adorned you with many 
virtues, even as Daniel was preserved among the lions. 
And then also for this praiseworthy and joyful deliver- 
ance." The letter also refers to the blessings this deliver- 
ance will bring upon the church, and closes thus : " We 
pray with all humility, that your Grace may be and con- 
tinue to be our most gracious Lord. For it has always 
been, and is still our intention, with God's grace, to main- 
tain unity in Christian doctrine with the churches of these 
lands, although we have been sorely tried, and great con- 
fusion ensued, from which, however, God delivered us ; and 
we are still engaged in great, heavy, and highly important 
matters." 

John Frederick expressed his thanks in a very friendly 
reply. He says : " It is indeed true, that God in mercy 
has laid upon us a great and wearisome afiliction, on ac- 
count of our sins. But as his Omnipotent power, by the 
assistance of his Holy Spirit, has maintained us wonder- 
fully in the true confession of his saving word, and has 
also preserved our health, so also has his Almighty power 
graciously freed us from captivity, and restored us to our 
OAvn dominions again." He expresses his regrets that there 
had been so many disputes and changes in the church 
during this time, and says, that if they had adhered to 
Luther's doctrine, ''no alteration by mere human wisdom 
would have been undertaken or permitted." 
24 



278 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

Melanchtlion also expressed his joy at the return of their 
prince in a very heartj Preface to the fom^th volume of 
Luther's works. He says : ^' What greater privilege can 
be bestowed upon any man, than this grace, to spend his 
life for the glory of God, and the welfare of many of his 
fellow-men ? This ornament is infinitely to be preferred 
above all bloody victories and triumphs. May your High- 
ness continue to enjoy health and happiness I" 



CHAPTER XXXII. 

DOCTRINAL CONTROVERSIES, AND ATTEMPTS TO BRING 
ABOUT A UNION. 

We must here revert to a conflict commenced at a former 
period against Melanchthon by Cordatus. We did not 
conceal the fact that his formula that good works are the 
condition without which we cannot be saved, was a bold 
venture, which could easily be misinterpreted. When he 
used the form of expression in the Leipzig Interim, that 
good works are necessary to salvation, it was expressed 
indeed in a milder form, but still admitted a bad interpre- 
tation. 

It so came to pass that the aged Amsdorf published a 
work in 1551, in which he accuses George Maior, Me- 
lanchthon's friend, in the most severe manner, because he 
had adulterated the doctrine of Justification, by his propo- 
sition that good w^orks are necessary to salvation. Maior 
did not owe him an answer long ; he confessed his adhe- 
rence to the Evangelical doctrine of Justification, but at 



ETC. 279 

the same time adhered to his opinion that good works are 
necessary to salvation, because no one couhl obtain salva- 
tion by evil works, or without good works. But now Maior 
was attacked from every side, and found it impossible to 
retain his position as General Superintendent at Mansfeld 
any longer. His opinion was not opposed to the doctrine 
of justification, for he said that good works were necessary 
to salvation, because they must necessarily be produced by 
faith, and because all men were obliged to obey God. But 
the opposite side proved to him, that the formula made use 
of by him might easily lead to misinterpretation, and should 
not be used, even if it were only on account of the Catho- 
lics. Melanchthon, of whom we know that he did not ap- 
prove of a form which might easily be misconstrued, ad- 
vised Maior to desist from further disputes, for, he said, 
you are merely adding fire to the flames. Maior was called 
to a professorship in Wittenberg in the autumn of the year 
1552. Instead of following Melanchthon's advice, and 
abstaining from his formula for the sake of peace, he con- 
tinued to defend it. Melanchthon himself did not employ 
this formula any more, and at a later period expressed 
himself against it in a very decided manner ; although he 
remarks in another place, that against the Antinomians we 
should always maintain that the beginning of new obe- 
dience is necessary, because it is a divine and unchangeable 
arrangement, that a rational being must obey God. How- 
ever, the most extravagant opponents did not suffer them- 
selves to be pacified by all these things. Amsdorf was so 
involved in these contradictions, that he published a work, 
during Melanchthon's lifetime, with this title : " That the 
Proposition, Good works are injurious to salvation, is a 
true, just, and Christian proposition, taught and preached 
by the saints Paul and Luther." If the champions had 



280 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

adhered to the word of God and the Confession of the 
Church, and had acted towards each other in a friendly 
spirit, intent upon the honor of God and the discovery 
of the truth, they would not have gone astray in this 
manner. 

Such a spirit should also have been manifested in the 
so-called Synergistic controversy, which caused Melanch- 
thon great trouble. It is certain that he was most de- 
cidedly opposed to the doctrines of the ancient heretic 
Pelagius ; for he adhered to the truth expressed in the 
word of God, that the powers of man are so much corrupted 
by original sin, that he must first be awakened by the Holy 
Ghost before he is able to make a beginning, and that he 
also needs the Holy Ghost as he progresses. -He teaches 
that the powers of human nature are greatly affected, and 
unfitted to do good, and he represents the merits of Christ 
as the only foundation of salvation. At the close of his 
life, in reply to the Bavarian articles, he declares in the 
most positive manner: " Sin and death cannot be removed 
by the free will of man, and man's will cannot begin inward 
obedience without the Son of God, without the Gospel, and 
without the Holy Ghost." Therefore, it cannot be assured 
or proved that he was a Synergist^ i. e., that he taught 
that in the work of repentance, the natural will of man 
performs one part, and grace the other. He was fully 
convinced that the grace of God alone accomplishes what 
is good in us, and that the will of man merely receives. 
The will of man could thus be active to a certain extent, 
but could not produce the new life. The actual Synergistic 
controversy did not arise until after the Leipzig Interim. 
In this, Mclanchthon had said that in the work of repent- 
ance, man was not passive like a block or a statue. Fla- 
cius had repc3atedly directed attention to this expression ; 



DOCTRINAL DIFFERENCES, ETC. 281 

but it was Amsdorf who agitated this controversy towards 
the close of Melanchthon's life. But we will not enter 
upon a consideration of this, because the controversies con- 
cerning the freedom of the human will did not develop 
themselves until after the death of our Reformer. 

As such differences and disputes arose on every side in 
the Evangelical Church, to its own injury and the joy of 
the Catholics, several princes, especially Maurice and the 
Landgrave of Saxony, thought it necessary to bring about 
a meeting of the Theologians, in order that these contro- 
versies might be settled. The Osiandrian difficulties were 
to be disposed of first, as they shook the very foundation 
of the Evangelical Church. The meeting was to be held 
in Erfurt, June, 1553 ; but Melanchthon did not expect 
any good from this, and freely declared his opinion that 
such conferences produced no good effects, as Gregory of 
Nazianzen had declared, "that he had not seen any 
Synods in his own day which did not cause greater dissen- 
sion than existed before." He also said that there was no 
Theologian now who was able to restrain the others, as 
Luther had done in former days. That they ought to 
adhere to the Confession, on account of the Diet which 
should soon assemble. If the Emperor should insist upon 
the Interim, they should explain to him why they could not 
accept it. The Landgrave also entertained the same 
views. 

This plan, which had been projected by Maurice, was 
postponed by a terrible disaster which fell upon him. The 
Margrave Albert continued to disturb the public peace by 
predatory excursions, which were especially directed 
against the monasteries of Franconia. Maurice therefore 
united with King Ferdinand, and Duke Henry, of Bruns- 
wick, to suppress tliis disturber. But when Albert heard 
24 * 



282 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

of this design, he endeavored to anticipate them, and fell 
upon Lower Saxonj. On the 9th of July, 1553, a battle 
was fought at Sievershausen. Maurice was victorious, but 
paid dearly for it, for he received a gun-shot wound in the 
battle, which caused his death two days afterwards. His 
last words were, " God will come !" He was succeeded by 
his brother Augustus, who restored the Misnian Lands in 
Thuringia and Franconia to the aged John Frederick. He 
was a sincere man, devotedly attached to Evangelical 
truth, and enjoying the full confidence of his subjects. 
Already, in the month of August, he came to Wittenberg, 
and Melanchthon rejoiced to hear the most encouraging 
promises from his own lips. 

He confirmed the foundations which had been assigned 
for the support of the University by his brother Maurice. 
He also earnestly wished that the Theologians, who were 
not affording a very edifying and commendable example 
by their continued disputes, might become reconciled among 
themselves. This wish was shared by the pious Duke 
Christopher, of Wurtemberg ; and he proposed a con- 
ference of the ministers at Weimar, in order that they 
might discuss these points of difference. It was agreed 
upon to hold a Synod at Naumburg. We have already 
heard that Melanchthon dreaded such a conference, 
because he believed it would only make matters worse. 
On the 17th of April, he wrote to a friend : " The Court 
orders us to go to Naumburg, whither, as they write to us, 
the Swabian and Hessian pastors will also come. Although 
they have been warned .by so many examples, that synods 
and hypocritical unions are productive of great evils, yet 
they have ordered us to hold synods again." However, 
he also wrote to Maienburg, May 11th : " Although the 
Synod of Naumburg, which I always objected to, will 



ETC. 283 

meet, I must nevertheless attend it." He went, accom- 
panied by Forster and Camerariiis, and reached Naumburg 
May 20th, 1554. The Hessian delegates, and the well- 
known Sleidaniis, of Strasburg, arrived on the following day, 
and Pacoeus and Salmuth, of Leipzig, on the 23d of May. 

Although Melanchthon at first entertained the greatest 
fears, because he expected those two violent champions, 
Gallus and Flacius, whom he called the two sons of Poly- 
phemus, he now wrote to his son-in-law Peucer, as early as 
May 23d: ''To-day we shall, with the help of God, deli- 
berate in a friendly manner, and I hope that no disputes 
will arise among us. We shall not expect any other The- 
ologians, if they do not arrive here within three days." 
The princes wished the Theologians to agree upon the 
answer to be given to the Emperor, at the next Diet. In 
a declaration, prepared by Melanchthon, the Theologians 
frankly say: "If his Imperial Majesty should wish us to 
adopt again the Papal doctrine, which we condemn, and 
the Interim also, we shall, by the grace of God, clearly 
and positively refuse to do so." 

They continued to say, that Protestants should abide by 
the Confession delivered in Augsburg in 1530, because it 
contains ''the only eternal agreement of the divine Scrip- 
tures, and the true catholic Church of Christ." Also, that 
the confession of Brentius, and that of Saxony, fully coin- 
cided with this. The Theologians also expressed them- 
selves against the errors of Schwenkfeld and Osiaxder. 
Schwenkfeld, like all fanatics of ancient and modern days, 
disregarded the written word of God, and thought that 
God revealed himself to man without this. He aJso 
showed his perversion by other objections, which he raised 
against the Evangelical Church. They therefore say : 
"Therefore we unanimously reject the before-mentioned 



284 LIFE OF MELANCIITHON. 

errors, and all the lies of Schwenkfeld." One of tlie 
greatest errors of Osiander is his declaration, " that man 
is not just on account of the obedience of Christ, but on 
account of the Deity if it dwells in man." They maintain 
the Evangelical doctrine against these Osiandrian heresies, 
in a very conclusive manner. In speaking of Ceremonies^ 
they insist upon unity in doctrine and in the sacraments. 
They reject the mass without communicants. They allow 
private confession, "but no one is to be burdened by an 
enumeration of his sins." They wish holidays to be ob- 
served, and require uniformity in this. They oppose the 
reintroduction of Latin hymns, of the garments used in 
the mass, of vestments, and other ceremonies, " because it 
would give rise to new dissensions and ruptures." The 
authorities, and sensible Pastors, would know how to make 
a distinction between essentials and non-essentials, and 
how to avoid all offence. Attention should be paid to 
studies, ordination, consistories, and visitations, all which 
matters had formerly been disregarded by the Bishops. 
As the Bishops are persecutors of the pure doctrine, ordi- 
nation cannot possibly be given into their hands. The 
authorities are bound to see to it, that the pure doctrine is 
preached in the churches, and that the consistories would 
discharge their duties,^ in punishing vice and maintaining 
discipline and harmony. Melanchthon was highly pleased 
with the harmony among the Theologians at Naumburg; 
yet he did not conceal the fact from himself, that his oppo- 
nents would also raise a great outcry against the resolu- 
tions of Naumburg. The Theologians of Wurtemberg had 
only proceeded as far as Erfurt, for they had been expected 
for several days in Naumburg, but in vain. On the 28th 
of May, Melanchthon wrote to Strigel: "If the Swabians 
do not arrive to-day, as I believe they will not, we shall 



DOCTUINAL CONTROVERSIES, ETC. 285 

adjourn to-morrow, God willing." He returned to Witten- 
berg, as he had stated. Duke Christopher, however, was 
highly pleased with the resolutions of Naumburg. 

During Melanchthon's stay in Dresden, February, 1555, 
where he was giving his opinion in regard to a visitation 
of the churches, the diet of Augsburg had been opened 
on the 5th of February. The Emperor had become com- 
pletely disgusted with German affairs, particularly since 
the revolt of Maurice, and he now left the direction of this 
diet, promised in the treaty of Passau, to his brother Fer- 
dinand. This diet witnessed many disputes, especially 
urged by the Pope's nuncio. But fortunately Pope Julius 
III. died about this time, and the nuncio was obliged to 
return to Rome. Now one principal difficulty was removed, 
and they at last, in the month of September, 1555, agreed 
upon the Religious "peace of Augsburg, which was highly 
advantageous to the Protestants. For they not only ob- 
tained liberty of conscience in religion, but full civil 
equality with the Catholics, and remained in the possession 
of the ecclesiastical property which had been confiscated. 
But one unjust resolution was also carried, that if a Ca- 
tholic sovereign should wish to become a Protestant at any 
future time, he should not indeed be personally molested 
on this account, but should forfeit his office and rank. 
Although . the Protestants yielded very reluctantly, the 
decrees of the diet were of the utmost value to them, for 
they secured a lasting peace, and they no longer needed 
to care for the condemnations of a General Council. Me- 
lanchthon wrote : "I look upon the peaceful conclusion 
of the Diet of Augsburg as one of the favors of God, and 
we must beseech the Son of God to continue to guide us 
in future." 

While the Evangelical Church was thus celebrating out- 



286 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

Tvard triumphs, and securing a firm position for herself, 
enemies were raging in her own bosom, who undoubtedly 
retarded her development. They were contending about a 
doctrine which is as plainly founded in the word of God, 
as it is of great comfort to the heart. It is the doctrine 
that not only the earthly elements of bread and wine, but 
also the true body and blood of Christ are distributed in 
the holy sacrament of the Lord's Supper. As a middle 
path between the doctrine of Transubstantiation on the 
one hand, and the one-sided doctrine of the Reformed, 
that we receive nothing but bread and wine in memory of 
the Lord, on the other, it was objectionable to the Catho- 
lics and the Reformed. Luther has triumphantly vindi- 
cated this consoling doctrine in his writings. 

But now there arose another man with a doctrine some- 
what different, which was adopted by many. This was the 
sagacious, learned, and pious John Calvin, who was born 
in the year 1509. The Lutherans had hitherto regarded 
him as belonging to their own party, especially since he 
had been teaching with Bucer and Capito in Strasburg. 
When he had returned to Geneva in 1541, from which city 
he had been banished before, and had there built up the 
Evangelical Church with great zeal, he wrote a Confession 
in regard to the Lord's Supper, in the year 1549. The 
Zurichers had formerly suspected him of being a Lutheran, 
but now all their doubts vanished, and they could call him 
their own, and harmony was completely restored between 
German and French Switzerland. But that which pro- 
duced harmony in Switzerland caused dissensions in Ger- 
many, although not immediately. Here they had enough 
to dispute in regard to the so-called indifferent things, 
(Adiaphora,) and the heresies of Osiander. 

In the year 1552, a pastor in Hamburg, named Joachim 



I 



DOCTRINAL CONTROVERSIES, ETC. 287 

Westpiial, published a work in which he proved that the 
Reformed had given no less than eight-and-twenty ex- 
planations of the words of institution in the Lord's Sup- 
per, from the time of Zwingli to that of Calvin. In the 
following year he published a work against Calvin, entitled : 
"The true faith in regard to the Lord's Supper." This 
publication began to arouse the zeal of the Lutherans 
against Calvin and his friends, which was still more in- 
flamed by one John von Lasco, who, together with a band 
of French and Dutch Protestants, had been banished from 
England by that severe Romanist, Queen Mary. He had 
confessed himself a follower of Calvin, and therefore could 
not find a resting-place for himself and his friends, either 
in Denmark or Germany. They were denounced from the 
pulpits in every quarter. Calvin now published a work 
defending them and his doctrine. He declared that, ac- 
cording to his doctrine, the Lord's Supper was no empty 
ceremony, even though he did not believe in a participation 
of the body and blood of Christ, in and under the bread 
and wine. Westphal and John Timann, pastor in Bremen, 
arrayed themselves against Calvin ; who, assisted by Bul- 
linger of Zurich, and Lasco, soon published a refutation. 
Most of the cities of Lower Saxony sided with Westphal. 
The fire spread on every side, and Schnepf of Jena, Alber 
in Mecklenburg, and Eitzen in Hamburg, attacked Calvin 
in the most violent manner, who finally maintained an utter 
silence. 

Calvin represented his own doctrine as a mediation be- 
tween the Lutherans and the Reformed. It did not teach 
an imaginary, but a real participation of the body and 
blood of Christ, yet not with the mouth, and it also opposes 
the view of an Omnipresence of Christ according to his 
human nature. The fulness of the Godhead has entered 



288 LIFE OF MELAXCHTIION. 

into the body of Christ, and from this body the Lord fills 
his people spiritually, with a secret and mysterious power 
of life, whenever they receive the bread and wine. This 
participation only refers to believers, although it is also 
ofi"ered to unbelievers. So Calvin regarded the matter ; 
but what did Melanchthon say to all this ? He did not 
express himself positively in regard to either side, doubt- 
less because he did not wish to pour fresh oil into the fire. 
Yet he was provoked and driven to a decided declaration 
of his sentiments by both sides. Gallus and Westphal 
published a collection of declarations taken from his former 
writings, by which they proved him to be on their side, and 
that he had at least not thought as the Sacramentarians 
did, as long as Luther was alive. Calvin also endeavored 
to lead him to declare himself, by stating that he under- 
stood the Augsburg Confession precisely as it was under- 
stood by its author, and that in this matter he could as 
little be separated from Philippus as from his own heart. 
We may admit, without hesitation, that Melanchthon agreed 
more with Calvin than with the stricter teachers of the 
Lutheran Church ; but he did not wish to begin a conflict 
while he was the subject of a government which strictly 
adhered to Luther's doctrine. He wrote to Hardenberq 
in the beginning of 1556, that if his life should be spared 
he would reply in a place where the courts could not hinder 
him ; and to his friend MoRDEiSEN at the Saxon court, 
who reproached him on account of his bashfulness, he 
wrote : " I am certain that your court will not suffer a de- 
fence of the truth in this article." He therefore continued 
to adhere to the method of teaching he had pursued 
hitherto. He always spoke of a presence of Christ in the 
Lord's Supper, but never of a bodily presence of his body 
and blood. 



DOCTRINAL CONTROVERSIES, ETC. 289 

Some of the princes now again, as on former occasions, 
thought of bringing about a reconciliation between the 
contending parties. As we have ah-eacly heard, Duke 
Christopher of Wurtemberg was the most prominent 
among them, for he made repeated attempts to induce the 
princes and Theologians to hold a meeting, where the 
points of difference might be discussed, and harmony re- 
stored. But his advances met no response, if we except 
the aged Elector of the Palatinate, Frederick. " I also 
wish," Melanchthon writes, '^ that learned and well-mean- 
ing men might negotiate in peace concerning certain con- 
tested points." 

It appeared that the Theologians of Weimar were parti- 
cularly opposed to any union or compromise. These held 
a separate meeting in Weimar, January, 1556, in which 
they declared that they would not unite with those of 
Wittenberg, until they would pledge themselves unequivo- 
cally to the Augsburg Confession, and would drop all 
Zwinglianism and Synergism. They would faithfully abide 
by Luther's doctrine concerning the Lord's Supper and 
free will. 

Amsdorf, Schnepf, Strigel, Stolz, Aurifaber, and dele- 
gates from the Palatinate and Wurtemberg, attended this 
meeting. Melanchthon called this Synod the Flacian 
Synod, because he well knew that Flacius exerted a great 
influence upon it. He expresses his regrets in regard to 
this, in a letter to Camerarius, February 7th : " This sad 
dissension troubles me so much, that I wish to leave this 
world ; and I see that I am not far distant from my jour- 
ney's end." 

But something occurred in the summer of the year 1556, 
which he perhaps expected least of all. Flacius endeavored 
to bring about a reconciliation with his former teacher. He 
25 



290 LIFE OF MELANCHTIION. 

was at that time residing in Magdeburg, and had prepared 
a few ''mild propositions to bring about a godly, needful, 
and peaceful reconciliation between the Theologians of 
Yv^ittenberg and Leipzig, and others who have written 
against them," which he had sent to Paul Eber, that he 
might deliver them to Melanchthon. In the eleventh arti- 
cle he said, ''If any persons shall teach and spread errors 
which are injurious to religion and conscience, either pub- 
licly or secretly, we will avoid such as a curse, and will 
not acknowledge them as brethren, or receive them into 
fellowship, until they have condemned and publicly re- 
nounced their errors. For such wounds in the church 
cannot be healed or endured silently." It was principally 
owing to this article that Eber did not present these pro- 
positions. 

About this time the French scholar, Hubert Langxjen- 
Tius, who had long been one of Melanchthon's most inti- 
mate friends, arrived in Magdeburg. They were anxious 
to employ him as mediator. An interview with Melanch- 
thon should take place in the little town of Coswig, and 
Flacius promised to employ mild and peaceful expressions. 
Although Melanchthon at first intended to accept the oifer, 
he was afterwards induced to change his opinion, and, on 
the 15th of July, wrote to his friend Languentius : " I have 
for a long time been anxious for a conference with pious 
and learned men, for the glory of God and the general 
good ; but what would be the use of an interview with such 
unlearned, raging, and malicious persons as Stoltz, Gallus, 
and Aurifaber." "A-sweet friendship and intimacy sub- 
sisted between Flacius and myself in former days, and I 
should like to discuss the whole system of doctrine with 
him. But he has circulated matters about me which I 
never uttered, and which never entered into my thoughts. 



DOCTRINAL CONTROVERSIES, ETC. 291 

Therefore, I fear treaclicrous intentions in all this. Oh ! 
that he would act towards me witli the same sincerity with 
which I should wish to approach hirn ! But not one of my 
friends is willing to be present at such an interview, and 
they do not consider it advisable for me to meet him alone. 
I am not concerned if others are pleased to seek power and 
influence. The Son of God will judge the life and senti- 
ments of every one, and he knows that I am only anxious 
to glorify the truth, to add to God's honor, and to promote 
the good of the Church." On the 21st of July, Flacius 
expressed his regrets concerning this reply in a letter to 
Languentius, and even wrote to Melanchthon, justifying 
himself, and assuring him that he had no reason to com- 
plain of him. Melanchthon replied on the 4th of Septem- 
ber : " You recapitulate your kindnesses towards me, and 
state that you did not publish a letter written to Taupolus. 
I never wrote a syllable to him. In Augsburg, I paid a 
visit to this Venetian ambassador, at the request of the 
Elector, and spoke with him of the cause of the Reforma- 
tion. I do not recollect all the words of that conversa- 
tion. For I did not think then that I would be called to 
an account after the expiration of twenty-six years." 
Others had concocted a letter from this, with which Rbrer 
had already reproacLed him, and which had been sent by 
the Margrave John. " You have also published the Leipzig 
Interim in a mutilated manner, and with notes. What 
induced you to attack an old friend, who loved you sin- 
cerely, with such weapons ? I ought not to be reproached 
with what I never did ; I am v/illing to confess all I have 
done. When the Augsburg Interim appeared, and reached 
our country, I at first advised that the churches should not 
be disturbed by any alterations whatever." He goes on 
to say, that he had many disputes with the courtiers, until 



292 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

the Elector declared that he did not wish a change of doc- 
trine, but only uniformity in outward ceremonies on festival 
days, in lections, and dress. " This the people afterwards 
called Adiaphora. I knew that the smallest changes would 
displease the people. But as doctrine was untouched, I 
wished our friends rather to be willing to endure this servi- 
tude, than to relinquish the service of the Gospel, and I 
confess that I also gave this counsel to the Franconians. 
This I have done, but I never changed the doctrine of the 
Confession. After this, you began to enter your protest, 
but I yielded, and did not dispute. You are perfectly 
welcome to bear off the victory, for I yield, and do not 
contend about these ceremonies : and wish, with all my 
heart, that a pleasant harmony might prevail throughout 
the Churches. I also acknowledge that I erred in this 
matter, and pray God to forgive me that I did not fly far 
away from those treacherous deliberations. I shall refute 
all with which you and Gallus unjustly reproach me." In 
regard to Maior's proposition, that good works are neces- 
sary to salvation, he had exhorted him to explain his 
meaning, and to drop this form of expression. That he 
himself did not use this expression, and merely opposed 
the Antinomians by declaring: "New obedience is neces- 
sary, because it is a necessary law that the creature should 
obey the Creator. I do not believe that we really oppose 
each other in this question." In regard to the proposi- 
tions for peace, he believed it would be best if they should 
be prepared by impartial judges. There must be one con- 
fession in doctrine, " and as we do not contend about cere- 
monies, but rather confess that we yield in these, do not 
any longer accuse us, and do not heap false charges upon 
us. Let us unite, with mutual good will, and by one con- 
fession, against the fearful fury of the enemies of the Son 



DOCTRINAL C N T n VE R S I E S , ETC. 293 

of God, -who is not only blasphemed by the Papists, but 
also by many others." But Flacius was not satisfied Avith 
this answer, and believed that it was necessary to have the 
matter decided by umpires. 

On the 17th of January, 1557, the Superintendents 
Curtius of Llibeck, Paul von Eitzen of Hamburg, Morlin 
of Brunswick, and Hennig of Luneburg, met in Magde- 
burg, and pledged themselves to adhere to a confession 
which had been published in the year 1550, against the 
Interim, and which bore the title : " Confession, Instruc- 
• tion, and Admonition of the pastors and preachers of the 
Christian congregations of Magdeburg." Flacius, and his 
friends Wigand, Judex, and Baumgartner, remained in the 
little town of Coswig, which was not far ofi", and exhorted 
the Superintendents, who had proceeded to Wittenberg 
with terms of agreement, that they should take a deter- 
mined stand. On the morning of the 21st of January, the 
negotiations were begun in Melanchthon's residence. He 
addressed them in the most cordial manner, and assured 
them that he was desirous of peace, and had therefore re- 
mained silent. "I take a box on the ears, and still remain 
silent, while Flacius and Gallus do not stop their abuses." 
He agreed to accept the umpires, and Morlin presented 
eight articles to him, which had been prepared at Bruns- 
wick, with this condition, that either side shall have the 
privilege to add to or take away from them what they 
pleased. The eight articles were as follows : 1. Unity 
of doctrine is to be restored, in accordance with the Augs- 
burg Confession and the Smalkald articles. 2. All op- 
posing errors of the Papists, Interimists, Anabaptists, and 
Sacramentarians, were to be rejected. 3. All corruptions, 
and especially that concerning the necessity of good works 
to salvation, in the article on Justification, which oppose 
25* 



294 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

true apostolical doctrine and the Augsburg Confession, 
were to be put away and condemned. 4. The Saxon 
Churches are not able to depart from the Confession which 
thej published during the last persecution. 5. No agree- 
ment in ceremonies should be entered into with the Papists 
until they agree with us in doctrine, and cease to persecute 
the true doctrine. 6. In the time of persecution a sincere 
Confession should be made, and no servitude opposed to 
Christian liberty should be permitted. 7. We also, in a 
most Christian manner, beseech our teacher to testify, by 
a public writing, that his views in regard to indifferent 
matters, and the necessity of good works to salvation, agree 
with the Confessions of our Churches ; and 8. If one of the 
parties should be suspected of secretly adhering to some 
errors, an explanation should be required." 

Melanchthon was at first highly displeased with these 
articles, but on the following day he replied as follows : 
•' For thirty years I have labored not a little in these 
churches, in teaching, developing truths, in daily judg- 
ments, conferences, and in treacherous conflicts. And it 
would have been very becoming in you to spare and pity 
me. But now, that which the worthy Jacob Sturm pro- 
phesied to me has come to pass ; for when he, together 
with some other friends, accompanied me a part of the way 
when I left Ratisbon, and I said to him, that we would not 
see each other again in this world, he replied : ' We shall 
still come to you some day to crucify you.' Articles are laid 
before me, in which I am not only required to strangle my- 
self, but very many of my friends. You spare Flacius. You 
know yourselves what intimate friendship subsisted between 
some of you and myself. And on this account, I am so 
much the more surprised to see you treat me so harshly. 
If I do not agree to your articles, you will excite your 



DOCTRIXAL CONTROVERSIES, ETC. 295 

party against me ; but if I do agree, many in our cliurclies 
will complain of me that I have given them cause for of- 
fence. There is, consequently, danger on both sides, and 
it would have been better to negotiate with many concern- 
ing this." He agreed to the first two articles ; but to the 
third he wished to add, that, although new obedience is 
needful according to the law of God, and Christ did not 
suffer in order that we should abide in sin and death, yet 
the expression, good works are necessary to salvation, 
should not be employed. His writings were opened to the 
eyes of the whole world. " I accept the fourth, fifth, and 
sixth articles, although they accuse us very much, as I 
would rather receive a blow than oppose harmony. As 
far as the seventh article is concerned, there is no neces- 
sity for a new publication, for every one is able to learn 
from my writings what I think of indifferent things." He 
concluded by entreating them not to oppose him at once, 
and that they should follow their own judgment rather 
than Flacius. Flacius was not satisfied with this reply, 
which was brought to Coswig by the mediators, and they 
returned to Wittenberg with several additions to the 
articles. 

Melanchthon thanked them for their trouble, and said 
that he hoped they had now learned to know him as a man 
inclined to peace. "I shall, with God's help, abide by the 
general Confession of these churches, and shall not sow 
discord. I have always honored you as pious teachers of 
the Church, and I love you with all my heart. I replied 
to the articles you laid before me, so that I might not 
appear anxious to fly from the light, and unwilling to bring 
about harmony. And this shall be my last answer. If 
you are not satisfied with it, I appeal to the judgment of 
the Church." He adhered to his previous declaration, 



296 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

merely in otlier words. The mediators departed, without 
having effected their object ; but Flacius would not yield. 
This conflict between Melanchthon and Flacius had also 
attracted the attention of Duke John Albert, of Meck- 
lenburg ; and he felt himself called upon to attempt to 
bring about a reconciliation. He therefore sent Yenetus, 
of Rostock, and his counsellor, Mylius, to Wittenberg, 
with proposals of peace. These proposals were composed 
in the spirit of those of Magdeburg. When the envoys 
arrived in Wittenberg, about February 20th, they did not 
meet Philip, who was then on a journey to Dessau and 
Leipzig. When he had returned, heard their wishes, and 
saw the proposals, he replied very briefly, that Flacius 
entertained many errors ; that the prince was ungracious ; 
they sought to ruin him (Melanchthon) ; and that he would 
not condemn any of those who had been present at the 
debates concerning indifferent things, who are now dead. 
He expressed himself to this efiect, and promised to present 
his reply on the following day. He retained the proposi- 
tions, and examined them carefully. 

On the following day he came, accompanied by his son- 
in-law Peucer. His answer was a very short one; and 
when the envoys requested him to prepare better proposi- 
tions, he refused to do so, in a passionate manner, and 
said : "If you wish to crush me, do so ; for this is the 
general lot of peace-makers. I commend myself to God." 
And Peucer also added: "You shall not in future trouble 
my father-in-law any more with such disputes." And with 
this they were dismissed: The envoys returned to Magde- 
burg, without having gained their purpose, in order to con- 
sult with Flacius and Wigand. Flacius was called to Jena 
in April, 1557, where the Gymnasium had been raised into 
an University. 



THE RELIGIOUS CONFERENCE AT WORMS. 297 



I 



CHAPTER XXXIII. 

THE RELIGIOUS CONFERENCE AT WORMS. 

In the spring of 1557, he would have had an excellent 
opportunity to get rid of the Flacians, for the Elector of 
the Palatinate called him to the University of Heidelberg. 
'' HoAvever, I have not yet come to any conclusion in 
regard to my removal," he wrote to Languentius from 
Leipzig, ''because I must first learn the sentiments of the 
Court." He wrote to Camerarius : " I wrote this letter 
on the 31st of March, on which day, 420 years after 
Christ, Jerome died in his 91st year, in the town of Beth- 
lehem, whither he had fled from the rage of his intriguing 
enemies. I would already have fled to those solitudes, if I 
had no family." But the Court would not permit him to 
go, and he remained. He was very much afraid of a jour- 
ney to Denmark, whither the Elector wished to take him, 
because the king intended to assemble a number of Theo- 
logians, to discuss the sacramental controversy. Some 
one had told his father, 60 years before, that Philip would 
be shipwrecked on the Baltic Sea, and this sea he was now 
to cross. But no doubt he also dreaded a Conference 
where the subject of the Lord's Supper was to be discussed. 
A pastor of that place had spilt some wine, of which Me- 
lanchthon sarcastically remarked, "What a misfortune !" 
However, this journey was not undertaken ; but another 
took its place. He wrote to Camerarius : " The Court 
would now prefer it, if I should go to the Rhine. But we 



298 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

sliall remain liere until new letters from Court order us to 
go, wliicli is not at all disagreeable to me, because I look 
upon mj stay here as a blessing." At last the orders 
arrived. He bade his hearers farewell on the 14th of 
August, in the following words : ''I will not deliver any 
lectures to-day, because many poor students ask for letters 
of recommendation about the time of our departure. But 
I beseech the Son of God, our Lord Jesus Christ, who has 
said, 'I am the vine, ye are the branches," that he would 
guide us. And I also conjure you, for the Lord's sake, to 
commend yourselves and us to him in devout prayers, and 
that you may become an ornament of the Church by your 
becoming conduct." 

Accompanied by his son-in-law Peucer, by Eber, and 
several others, he departed for Worms. They travelled by 
way of Schulpforte and Erfurt, to Frankfort. They 
arrived there on the 26th of August, and here learned, to 
their great sorrow, that Schnepf, Strigel, Stossel, and the 
Counsellor Monner, of Weimar, were earnestly engaged in 
Worms, in urging a condemnation of all the errors which 
had been introduced. They intended this for Melanchthon 
particularly. He at this time wrote to Camerarius : 
"Many sorrows are troubling me, partly the cruelty of my 
foes, and also the misfortunes of my son, who, although he 
is still alive, is suffering great bodily and mental debility." 
On the 28th of August, they arrived in Worms. The 
Theologians were filled with joy when they again beheld 
the countenance of the aged and venerable Melanchthon. 
One of his enemies, tlue before-mentioned Monner, thus 
wrote to Flacius about this: "All our Theologians here 
received him in the most honorable manner, and adore him 
almost like a deity. When we came out of Church three 
days ago, all greeted him as their instructor, but I stood 



THE RELIGIOUS CONFERE^TCE AT WORMS. 299 

aloof. When he saw me, he said, rather cohllj, 'Doctor!' 
and slightly touched my hand. lie immediately turned away 
from me, and departed to his lodgings, accompanied by a 
large number of persons. I and Martin Stossel immediately 
went to our own. His heart seems to be entirely estranged 
from me. But I do not care the least for this, and I 
believe that we should not seek the friendship of persons 
who pollute the pure doctrine, yea, I rather believe we 
should fly from them, in obedience to the passage : ' If 
there com.e any unto you, and bring not this doctrine, 
receive him not into your house, neither bid him God 
speed.' " 

This Basilius Monner, together with his Weimarian 
friends, endeavored to persuade the Theologians to con- 
demn Adiaphorism, Maiorism, Osiandrism, and Zwinglian- 
ism, before the opening of the Religious Conference. 
'Tor," as Eber wrote, "these, in their judgment, are the 
only heresies in Europe which ought to be destroyed root 
and branch." Flacius, by his letters, also incited his 
Weimarian friends to insist upon this. Besides this, their 
instructions required the same. On the 5th of September, 
the Theologians of the Augsburg Confession met, for the 
first time, in the tovrn-hall. Here Monner rose up, and 
declared that their instructions enjoined it upon him and 
his colleagues to insist, first of all, upon a condemnation 
of errors, so that they could then oppose the Papists even 
as one man. Schnepf also arose, and declared that if this 
should not be done, they would not have anything further 
to do with the Conference. But let us hear what Melanch- 
thon says of this, in a letter to Prince Joachim, of Anhalt, 
of September 6th : " The first act v/as an accusation 
against myself, taken almost word for word from the libels 
6f Flacius, and brought forward by Schnepf. I briefly 



300 LIFE OF MELAIs^CHTHON. 

replied to them, that we all agreed in doctrine, because we 
all adopted the Augsburg Confession, together with its 
Apology, and Luther's Confession, which he wrote prior to 
the Council of Mantua. I .also spoke a little of mj views, 
that I believed it would be better to retain the order of 
festivals, and other usages, which were not sinful in them- 
selves, than to leave the churches ; I appealed to the opi- 
nions of the other persons who were present, and added, 
that it would give me very great pleasure if I would be 
entirely excluded from the deliberations of this Conference. 
The envoys of the princes fully agreed with me, and ad- 
monished the accusers to lay their private disputes to one 
side, and to unite in a general deliberation how the enemy 
should be refuted. This was done yesterday. I do not 
know, as yet, what my accusers propose to do further. I 
bear these calumnies with equanimity. I wrote the Con- 
fession and the Apology, which they constantly quote; 
and now they are debating how they shall get rid of their 
author. However, I trust that, with God's help, I have 
been able to be of some use to students. I would much 
rather always engage in this work, than quarrel in such 
conferences, in which I have witnessed and experienced 
many deplorable conflicts." 

The majority insisted upon leaving particular condem- 
nations for the present, until the articles referred to should 
come up during the regular course of debate. The pro- 
testation of the Weimarians was not entered upon the 
minutes, but they succeeded in having it received as their 
personal conviction, by the envoys of the princes. Julius 
VON Pflug was elected President of the Conference, and 
called the speakers of both sides together on the 11th of 
September, to open the discussion. Melanchthon wrote : 
"According to the custom of orators, he spoke of the evils 



THE RELIGIOUS COXFEREXCE AT WORMS. 301 

produced by discord, in his address. Sidonius replied, and 
I succeeded him. I mentioned some reasons whv we were 
obliged to differ from our opponents. Our friends are all 
one in their Confession. The Weimarians, and they alone, 
had demanded some condemnations." 

But soon violent contentions arose, especially in regard 
to the source of knowledge. The Catholics insisted upon 
the continual agreement of the Church, but the Protestants 
would not suffer any other authority than the Bible and 
the most ancient confessions. Original Sin elicited a still 
more excited debate. The cunning Bishop Sidonius of 
Merseburg made these contentions a desirable excuse for 
breaking up the conference. He knew the two Protestant 
parties, and imitated those, as Melanchthon says, who wish 
to drive the bees from their hives : smoke is blown in for 
this purpose. " So they are seeking plans to divide us, 
and to break up the conference. I have observed all along 
that our opponents neither desire the truth nor union." 
This was written to Matthesius, September 29th. 

On the 2d of October, he made the following report to 
the Elector Augustus : " By the grace of God, our side 
made a very good beginning. But afterwards the cunning 
Papists insisted upon knowing whether we were all of one 
and the same opinion. I replied repeatedly in the public 
assemblies, that we all agreed in the Confession. But now 
the Weimarians presented their condemnations, and be- 
cause they saw that they could not keep pace with the 
other Protestants, they departed in the beginning of Octo- 
ber, declaring that they had been excluded from the Con- 
ference. The other Theologians wished to continue, while 
the Catholics rejoiced at this rupture, and said that they 
did not know who were the true adherents of the Augsburg 
Confession. The President Pflug postponed the sessions 
26 



302 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

until tlie King should decide the matter." He wrote to 
Matthesius, October 3d: "I very much doubt whether this 
debate, which has been commenced between us and our 
opponents, will be continued. Everything seems to be 
arranged in such a manner on both sides, that the whole 
matter will be brought to a conclusion. I earnestly long 
for the society of my family, and would rather repeat 
prayers with my beloved sons and daughters than con- 
tinue to contend with these venomous sophists. However, 
I shall not leave here until we are officially dismissed." 

While Melanchthon was thus expressing so great a 
desire to behold his family, a change was about to take 
place in his house at Wittenberg, which caused him great 
sorrow and many bitter tears. His wife was taken ill on 
the 27th of September. She had a presentiment of her 
approaching end, received the Lord's Supper, and as she 
was now confined to her bed, prayed to God that he might 
grant her patience. And this her prayer was heard. Not 
a word of impatience passed her lips, and it was easy to 
see that she was perfectly prepared to die. An old ac- 
count says : " In such obedience to God, and with frequent 
prayer to the Son of God, she fell asleep in Christ ; and 
so peacefully, that those present could scarcely perceive 
the moment of her death." She died at three o'clock in 
the morning of the 11th of October. At the time of her 
death, Melanchthon was in Heidelberg, whither he had 
been called by the Elector Otto Henry, in order to assist 
Micyllus in improving the University of that place. He 
spent some very happy days here, as he was not only re- 
ceivins: honol-able attentions from the Prince and the 
learned, but also enjoyed the opportunity of embracing his 
beloved brother George. And now his friend Camerarius 
also arrived. He saw his happiness, but had come to dis- 



THE RELIGIOUS CONFERENCE AT WORMS. 303 

turb it ; for he had been commissioned by the University 
of Wittenberg to bear the sad tidings to Mclanchthon. 
While they were walking in the garden of the Elector on 
the following morning, Camerarius discharged this melan- 
choly duty. Melanchthon heard him calmly, raised his 
eyes to heaven, and exclaimed : '' Fare thee well, I will 
soon follow thee !" And he then began to speak of the 
troubles of the Church, and the troubled times that were 
to be expected ; but his sorrow for the loss of his wife would 
still return. He WTote an affectionate letter to his nephew 
Sigismund, who was staying at Wittenberg at the time, in 
which he expresses his anguish at the departure of his be- 
loved wife, and calls upon him to act the part of a father 
in his family. To the letter of sympathy from the Uni- 
versity, which Camerarius had brought, he replied on the 
31st of October : '' That he was seeking all possible grounds 
for consolation ; but notwithstanding all this, my love to 
her and her daughters always comes upon me again with 
such force that I am almost overcome." He returns his 
hearty thanks for the attentions of the University, and 
closes thus : '' If I am to live any longer, I would not wish 
to live in any place but with you, whose virtues, sincerity, 
and faithfulness I value so highly. And I also love our 
w^ell-deserving University, which God has hitherto pro- 
tected against wicked attacks and the rage of cunning 
men. I call upon him to guide and protect it for ever." 

He returned to Worms, and remained through the 
greater part of November, without being particularly en- 
gaged. He wrote to Hardenbcrg on the 14th of Novem- 
ber that he had very little to write about, "because, after 
our colleagues departed, leaving their condemnations be- 
hind them, our enemies felt themselves obliged to embrace 



304 LIFE OF MELANGE TH ON. 

tliis opportunity for breaking off the conferences. On 
this account there are no meetings at the present time. 
You no doubt hear that the whole of Saxony is celebrating 
triumphs, because of the beautiful condemnations which 
emanate from the judgment-seat of Amsdorf. I pray God 
to deliver me from those sophists." He also wrote to his 
friend Mordeisen : " If you will permit me to live in an- 
other place, I shall reply truly and effectually to those 
ignorant intriguers, and for the good of the church. If 
the discussion of doctrine is to be continued, I hope that a 
truly Christian harmony will prevail among our colleagues 
who are still present." 

During this time, and at the instance of the Elector 
Frederick and Duke Christopher, he prepared a formula, 
in which he shows himself to be very yielding. He in this 
expresses himself against the fanatics, Servetus, Schwenk- 
feld, and the Anabaptists, in the strongest terms. In the 
article on justification he adhered to the word '''alone,'" in 
retaining the proposition : '' That we are justified before 
God by Faith alone." Faith must always be founded upon 
the merits of the Mediator. Against the Antinomians, 
(enemies of the law,) he insists upon the proposition : ''New 
obedience is necessary, because the rational creature must 
obey God." He rejects the proposition that good works 
are necessary unto salvation, because this implied merit, 
and obscures the consolation of the Gospel ; and he only 
retains the expression : " Good works are necessary, be- 
cause man owes obedience according to the commandment 
of God." He adheres to the Augsburg Confession and 
the Apology, in the doctrine of the Lord's jSupjjer. He 
rejects transubstantiation, and the local inclusion of the 
body and the blood, which was unknown to the ancients; 



THE RELIGIOUS CONFERENCE AT WORMS. 305 

he also rejects Zwinglianism, which merely recognizes 
signs, and says, that " Christ is truly and essentially pre- 
sent, making us members of his body, applying his grace 
to us, and will prove himself powerful in us." In regard 
to indifferent thing s, he appeals to the Confessions, and 
does not wish to see the churches, who have the Gospel, 
disturbed by any new changes. But if others discover 
other misdeeds under this name, we will leave it to the 
decision of a Synod. 

This form of agreement met with the approbation of the 
Theologians ; the Wirtembergers being the only ones who 
made some objections on account of Osiander's position in 
the doctrine of Justification. Melanchthon was in the 
meantime awaiting the royal decision as to the Conference, 
in order to discuss the various points at the proper place. 
At last Ferdinand decided that the Conference, already 
commenced, should be continued. The Catholics now 
urged the recall of the Saxon Theologians, which Avas op- 
posed by the others. Therefore the President adjourned 
the Conference, with the intention that it should be con- 
tinued at the next diet. Melanchthon and his friends pre- 
sented a declaration, in which they stated that they were 
not to blame in this matter, and were true adherents of 
the Augsburg Confession. This declaration was prepared 
on the 1st of December. On the 6th of December, he 
departed with his companions, filled with the saddest feel- 
ings, which he thus expresses in a letter to Hardenberg, 
December 26th: "Although many friends, prudent men 
on the banks of the Rhine, dissuaded me from returning 
to the Elbe, I have nevertheless returned ; perhaps it is my 
destiny, and perhaps it is because I must bestow the little 
I possess upon my heirs, after the death of my vfife. But 
26* 



806 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

I expect a nevi banisliment As soon as the times be- 
come more propitious, I have resolved to consult with you, 
unless I am forced to leave before that time. Perhaps 
death will soon conduct me to a more peaceful church. . . . 
And truly ! I feel an earnest longing for the wisdom of 
that heavenly school, and hope for that, when we shall see 
those things we particularly desire to understand, with our 
own eyes. My enemies have already circulated the report 
that they will drive me out of entire Germany. They be- 
lieve that they have so m.uch power. If it pleases God, I 
am willing not only to leave Germany, but even this life." 
The Conference therefore did not terminate well. The 
strict Lutherans blamed Melanchthon and his adherents 
for this, and called them "holy Pharisees;" the moderate 
Protestants charged the breaking up of the Conference 
upon the Catholics ; while the Catholics, full of delight at 
the misfortunes of their enemies, labored to convince the 
whole world of the state of discord in the Protestant camp, 
and showed that it must of necessity come to this. 



THE LAST YEARS OF HIS LIFE, ETC. 307 



CHAPTER XXXIV. 

THE LAST YEARS OF HIS LIFE REAL YEARS OF SORROW. 

The Hostility existing between the stricter and more 
moderate Lutherans for the few last years, increased more 
and more, notwithstanding all efforts to the contrary, made 
by the well-known Duke Christopher, the Elector of the 
Palatinate, and the Landgrave of Hesse. When the Elector 
Augustus, the Elector Joachim IL, and Duke Henry of 
Brunswick, met in Leipzig, February, 1558, to consult as 
to the plan of transferring the Imperial Crown to King 
Ferdinand at the next Convention at Frankfort, they also 
spoke of the divisions in the Evangelical Church. Me- 
lanchthon received an invitation, during the month of 
February, to come to Dresden, in order to present his 
views in regard to this subject. He began to write a de- 
claration, "but sorrow interrupted this work," he says. 
He thus writes to prince Joachim of Anhalt, in reference 
to the occasion of this work : " The Elector of the Pala- 
tinate and the Duke of Wurtemberg, have frequently re- 
quested our Churches to hold a Synod. When asked 
concerning this, I replied, that it would not be possible to 
call a Synod, until the princes had agreed, not only upon 
resolutions, but also upon their Confession, and had dis- 
cussed this matter with believing and learned men. I 
therefore received orders to prepare an opinion concerning 



308 LIFE OF MELANCHTHOX. 

certain controverted points, and to forward it, as soon as 
possible, to the banks of the Main. I shall send or bring 
this document as soon as possible, for I am anxious to hear 
your Highness's opinion in regard to these propositions 
Vfhich I have written down." 

At last this document was completed, and appeared by 
the title : " Opinion delivered by Philip Melanchthon, 
concerning a Synod of all the Electors, Princes and States, 
adhering to the Augsburg Confession." He declares in 
the beginning of this, that he would like to hear the judg- 
ment of Christian princes and men ; and that he did not 
dread a Synod on account of Flacius and his party. Al- 
though they condemned him, he was satisfied, and had no 
desire of being with them, because they did not seek the 
glory of God. It would not be necessary to convene a 
Synod on account of the outcry raised by Flacius; ''for 
I have maintained silence hitherto, and am prepared to 
remove from this country, if it is desired. I refer to this, 
in order that no one may think I am dissuading from the 
holding of this Synod, because I fear that I might be con- 
demned or banished." 

He says further : '' Several Electors and Princes wish 
all the adherents of the Confession to hold a General 
Synod. Now I have always entertained the opinion that 
no such Synod should be called, until all the Electors and 
Princes are perfectly agreed, not only upon what they in- 
tend to propose, but what they finally intend to resolve 
and abide by." Unless this should be done, it would only 
end in greater dissensions. In regard to images in the 
churches, and the abjuration by other persons in baptism, 
it would be well to exercise patience in these customs. In 
regard to Free will, a very important point of dispute, he 
maintained the following : — It is not right to assert that 



THE LAST YEARS OEHIS LIFE, ETC. 309 

man is like a block, and remains passive both in evil and in 
good works, even if it is said that the Avill is passive in good 
works. "It is indeed true, that God performs much won- 
derful illumination, and great deeds in conversion, and in 
the entire life of the saints, which the human will merely 
'^ receives ; but nevertheless we must teach that we must re- 
gard the word of God in all our afflictions, in order that 
we may strengthen ourselves by this, and at the same time 
pray God for help. For God works by his word. Man is 
not to rest in unbelief, and to think that he will wait, that 
he will be drawn to God against his own will, by some 
strange Anabaptist vision and miracle." 

He appeals to Luther, and denies the ''poisonous" con- 
clusion, as if by this man obtained some merits. It would 
be well to hear the opinion of sensible persons in a Synod 
in regard to this matter. We are already familiar with 
his opinion of Osiander's doctrine, in which he properly 
makes a distinction between Justification and Sanctifica- 
tion ; he expresses his belief that uniformity might easily 
be restored in this matter. In the tJiird article, of the 
Sacrament of the body and hlood of Christy he speaks of 
transubstantiation as idolatry, and regrets that Protestants 
too entertain such or similar views, "just as an ass of 
Erfurt wrote to me lately, that the little pieces which fall 
upon the ground are also the body of Christ, and should 
be worshipped." He rejects the doctrine of the Bremen 
ministers, that the bread is the essential body of Christ, 
and the wine the essential blood of Christ ; and the opinion 
of Westphal in Hamburg, that the body of Christ is pre- 
sent everywhere, in stone and in wood. He fears that a 
Synod might produce great divisions ; yet he expresses his 
vicAvs as follows : First, nothing is sacrament except the 
instituted use. This had already greatly disturbed Eck in 



310 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

R-atisbon, so that lie became drunk and quite unwell. He 
then confesses that the Son of God is thus truly and essen- 
tially present; that when we participate of the Lord's 
Supper, he gives us his body and blood with the bread and 
wine. He rejects Zwingli's doctrine, that it is a mere out- 
ward sign, and that Christ is not essentially present. He 
proceeds to protest against the proposition : " Good works 
are necessary to salvation;" and also against the Antino- 
mians, concerning which points we have already referred 
to his views. 

We are also familiar with his views of the Adiaphora, or 
indifferent things. He offers to accept the decision of a 
Synod in this, "whether it affects me gently or ungently." 
In the article on Matrimonial matters, he speaks of Con- 
sistories, and advises that these be arranged like those in 
Electoral Saxony, where these form and execute decisions. 
He once more requests a serious consideration whether a 
Synod should be heldj " because we have reason to fear 
that it will cause still greater divisions." But if it should 
be resolved upon to assemble one, the opinions of all the 
learned should be listened to in a friendly conference, and 
if they agree, resolutions should be passed and subscribed. 
But in case of disagreement, the opinion of all should be 
heard, and the resolutions passed according to the truth, 
"let it please or displease whom it will." 

At the Convention at Frankfort, held in the beginning 
of March, 1558, Ferdinand the First received the crown 
of the German Empire. He pledged himself to preserve 
religious and civil peace, " continually and firmly." His 
brother, the Emperor Charles Y., had retired to a small 
residence by the side of the convent of St. Just, belonging 
to the monks of the Order of St. Jerome, near to Placen- 
tia, in Spain, in the month of September, 1556. He lived 



THE LAST YEARS OF HIS LIFE, ETC. 311 

here for two years, engaged in earnest meditations upon 
tlie vanity of all earthly things, and in the expiation of his 
sins. It is said that he regretted not having acted more 
severely against the Protestants : and he died in Septem- 
ber, 1558, praying for the unity of the Church. In 
Frankfort, whither other princes had also been invited, 
besides the Protestant Electors, it was resolved to restore 
harmony between the contending parties in the Evangelical 
Church. This was to be promoted by a treatise prepared 
by Melanchthon, which has become known as the Recess 
of Fi^ankfort. There were four principal points of dis- 
pute. The first referred to justification, and makes a dis- 
tinction between justification and sanctification. '' This 
consolation is continually to be remembered in this life, 
that a man is just, that is, pleasing to God, and a recipient 
of forgiveness of sins, not on account of newness (the new 
life), but by faith in Christ, and his merits alone, through 
mercy, for the sake of the Lord Jesus Christ." The second 
article speaks of the proposition, good works are necessary 
to salvation. Although it is true that the netv ohedience 
of the justified is necessary, according to the commandment 
of God, yet it ought not to be said that it is necessary to 
salvation, because the doctrine of grace would be obscured 
by this. The third article, of tlte true sacraynent of the 
hody and blood of the Lord Jesus Christ, declares its 
agreement with the Augsburg Confession, namely, '' that 
the Lord Jesus Christ is truly, in a living manner, and 
essentially present in this his ordinance of the Lord's 
Supper ; that he has also given his body and blood to be 
received by us Christians, with the bread and wine thus 
ordained by him, and that he bears testimony by this, that 
we are his members, that he appropriates himself and his 
promise to us, and works within us." ThQ fourth article, 



312 LIFE OF M E L A N C II T il N . 

of AdiapJto7^a, or indifferent ceremonies in the CJiurch, 
declares that these may be observed or neglected ; and if 
the true Christian doctrine of the holy Gospel is preached 
in a proper manner, these ceremonies may be retained 
without injury to the cause of truth. But if the true 
Christian doctrine of the holy Gospel should be polluted 
or persecuted, then not only the indifferent, but also other 
ceremonies, are injurious. The Recess expresses its agree- 
ment with the Augsburg Confession in the strongest terms, 
^' that nothing opposed to said true Confession should be 
permitted to be taught, preached, or introduced among the 
people, in the churches, schools, and throughout the land." 

On the 18th of March, the Recess was subscribed by 
the three Electors, Otto Henry, Augustus, and Joachim, 
by the Count Palatine, Wolfgang von Veldenz, Duke 
Christopher, and the Landgrave Philip. It was also finally 
resolved that they would request the other Evangelical 
states to subscribe it." 

Melanchthon at this time expressed his convictions to 
Matthesius, that the Weimarians would certainly object to 
it ; and the event proved that his supposition was correct. 
The Recess was violently opposed, not only by the Weima- 
rians, but by all strict Lutherans. Flacius called the 
Recess, "The Samaritan Interim;" and the agedAmsdorf 
prepared a refutation, at the request of Duke John Frede- 
rick of Saxony ; and it was also proposed to hold a meeting 
in Magdeburg in May, in opposition to the meeting at 
Frankfort. Saxony was very anxious to bring it about, 
but in vain. Melanchthon was greatly distressed at this 
new dispute, and in his letters at this time, frequently ex- 
presses his desire to be relieved from this miserable state 
of existence. On one occasion he said : " I am so over- 
burdened with labors that I expect my end daily, and yet 



THE LAST YEARS OF HIS LIFE, ETC. 313 

my enemies are anxious to drive me away before that." 
He was also greatly grieved at the death of his old friend, 
the faithful Bugenhagen, who died peacefully on the 20th 
of April ; although he rejoiced to see another friend, Paul 
Eber, appointed Pastor in his place. He wrote a letter 
of consolation to one of his friends, Conrad Nessen, who 
was sick at the time, in which he says : " My breast is 
filled with a strong mucus, which threatens me with death, 
and admonishes me frequently to think of my sick friends, 
and of my own death. We know with certainty that God 
gives life, and strengthens the powers of our body, as long 
as it is his will that we should serve the general welfare in 
this sorrowful battle of life. I pray to him with all my 
heart that he would stand by and help you and me, and 
ease our illness, as long as it pleases him to retain us in 
this life ; and I pray him, that for the sake of his Son, the 
Lord Jesus Christ, he would lead us into the sweet com- 
munion of the heavenly Church, and grant us the enjoy- 
ment of his light and wisdom, whenever he shall be pleased 
to deliver us from this prison. Let us look unto that 
fountain of light and vrisdom, and bear our present suffer- 
ings with less sorrow, in the hope and expectation of that 
better life." He also wrote to the Landgrave of Hesse : 
" My enemies have declared that they would make Ger- 
many too narrow for me, although I do not know what has 
filled them with this Cain-like bitterness against me, which 
induces them to drive me into strange lands. Your elec- 
toral highness, and many sensible men in Germany, are 
well acquainted with my peculiar labors, afflictions, and 
sentiments. If it pleases God, I am perfectly willing, not 
only to leave this country, but even this life, for I have 
remained thus long for the benefit of this school. If I 
27 



314 LIFE OF MELANCHTIION. 

must go, I am perfectly ready and willing, even as I expect 
death daily." 

The Refutation of the Frankfort Recess, already men- 
tioned as prepared by the Weimarians, was sent to the 
Elector Augustus by the Dukes of Saxony. Melanchthon 
received it, and now prepared his " Reply to the Weima- 
rian Document." He passes over the calumnies in it, for 
the sake of peace ; and does not agree with them, that it is 
altogether improper for civil rulers to set up articles of 
religion ; he would rather rejoice at this, and call upon 
others to be thankful " that they thus distinctly confess 
their adherence to the true doctrine, and seek unity among 
themselves." He refutes the various attacks upon the 
articles of justification and good works, of the Lord's 
Supper, and of the Adiaphora. As the Synergistic dis- 
pute, of which we have already spoken, was also drawn in, 
and the Theologians of Jena intended it all as an attack 
upon the aged Melanchthon, although their assaults were 
ostensibly directed against Pfeffinger of Leipzig, the gulf 
was wddened, and the animosity continued to increase. 
Both sides sent forth the most bitter publications. In 
Thuringia they even proceeded from mere words to deeds. 
For when the Dukes of Saxony had published thei.' Confu- 
tation in the beginning of the year 1559, in which all 
heresies, that also concerning free will, w^ere condemned, 
Victorinus Strigel, and the Pastor Andrew Hugel of Jena, 
refused to submit to it. They were both seized and taken 
to the castle of Leuchtenburg. Melanchthon thus writes 
to a friend in regard to. this : " During the night succeed- 
ing the joyous festival of Easter, the aged Pastor Andrew, 
together with Victorinus, were seized at Jena, and carried 
to the neighboring castle of Leuchtenburg, in which is the 
prison for robbers. The piety and moderation of these 



THE LAST YEARS OF HIS LIFE, ETC. 315 

men had gained them a distinguished reputation. But 
Flacius is burning with rage against us. He proves this 
by thus ill-treating these men, who, although they are not 
connected with us, are yet displeased with the harsh mea- 
sures employed against us." The Elector sent this Con- 
futation to Wittenberg, that an Opinion might be given in 
regard to it. ^'It is only wdth great pain that I am able 
to read those subtleties and tricks," Melanchthon writes to 
Cracovius ; ^' but I shall freely express my opinions to the 
Prince, and shall entreat him graciously to dismiss me, if 
he is better pleased with this venomous fabrication." His 
Opinion is dated on the 9th of March, and speaks in very 
plain terms. Its principal objection against the Weima- 
rian Confutation is this : that it does not recognize their 
(the Wittenbergers) efforts against the blasphemers of the 
Son of God — such as Servetus and Campanus, Schwenk- 
feld, and the Antinomians. " The Weimarian book does 
not say a word of this, (particularly of the Antinomians,) 
for there are many in many places who are filled with this 
heresy, who consider themselves holy, although they con- 
tinue to live in sin against their own conscience." The 
Confutation also speaks of old and neiv Zwinglians, with- 
out mentioning whom they refer to by the term new. ISTow 
they wish to be looked upon as the most zealous devourers 
of the Pope, and yet they dare not say a word about that 
grossest of all idolatries, that there can be no Sacrament 
except according to the instituted form." He rejects the 
proposition, as he had done before, that the body of Christ 
is present everywhere, in wood and stone, and says : ''I 
abide by the formula presented to the Elector, and it is 
certainly true that the Lord Jesus Christ is essentially 
present in his ordinance, but not present as wood and 
stone are present. He gives us comfort, and bestows his 



316- LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

body and blood upon us. " In regard to Free will, it is 
very evident that their principal attacks are against me, 
Philip." He rejects the doctrine that all works, good and 
evil, must be done as they are, and asserts that man, even 
before regeneration, has a free will to maintain external 
propriety of conduct. And if this liberty still partially 
belongs to our sinful nature, how much more shall this be 
the case after regeneration, '' when we obtain help by the 
influence of the Holy Ghost !" "We regard the word of 
God as the beginning, which word condemns sin, and at 
the same time offers forgiveness and mercy for the Lord's 
sake. We maintain that a man must regard the preaching 
of both the law and the Gospel ; and if he comforts him- 
self with the Gospel, and finds comfort in true sorrow, it 
is certain that God sends his Holy Spirit into his heart, 
who continues to operate there, and a conflict continues 
throughout life, in order that faith may become stronger." 
This rule must remain : '' Grace precedes, the will accom- 
panies it, God draws no man but him w^ho is willing." He 
also proceeds to speak of Osiander, Stancarus, of the pro- 
position " Good works are necessary to salvation," and 
particularly also of the Adiaphora, in the manner repeat 
edly referred to on previous occasions. In regard to cere- 
monies, he says that the two Dukes of Saxony had formerly 
come to the same conclusion, and that the present Cvon- 
demnation applied to their resolutions as well as " our 
oivn.'" The Landgrave fully concurred in this Opinion, 
and sent it to Duke John Frederick, who remarked, that 
Melanchthon had not been mentioned once in the Confu- 
tation, and that he exemplified the old saying: "Whoever 
is hit cries out." However, the Duke was prevailed upon 
to release the prisoners. In August, 1560, Flacius and 
Strigel held a discussion, in which Flacius unintentionally 



THE LAST YEARS OF HIS LIFE, ETC. 317 

SO far forgot himself, tliat lie maintained that Original Sin 
was the substance of human nature. He was greatly per- 
secuted and distressed on account of this proposition. He 
died at Frankfort on the 11th of March, 1575, uttering 
these words : ^' Jesus Christ, thou Son of God, have mercy 
upon me !" 

The pure Gospel had also penetrated into Bavaria, and 
had found many friends there ; so that the Chamber of 
Deputies of the Duchy petitioned Duke Albert in the year 
1556, that he should permit the pure preaching of the 
Gospel, and the use of the cup to the laity. But the 
Duke, whom Melanchthon calls a man of mind and wisdom, 
would not listen to it, for he had given himself up to the 
influence of the Jesuits. They finally succeeded in securing 
the suppression and banishment of all the friends of the 
Gospel. In order to ferret out all heresy, they prepared 
thirty-one articles for the use of the Inquisition. Whoever 
was not able to reply to these in a satisfactory manner 
should be punished and banished. These articles were 
published in September, 1558, and Melanchthon saw them 
during the same month. In the month of May of the fol- 
lowing year, he published his "Answers against the wicked 
Articles of the Bavarian Inquisition." This publication 
is one of the most important of his works, because it may 
be called his last Confession — his spiritual swan's song, 
(dying strain). Of these Bavarian articles, he says : 
"Whosoever reads these idolatrous articles, which have 
been prepared by a dishonorable raving monk of Bavaria, 
let him not be deceived by the appearance of the Church, 
but remember that we should not blaspheme acknowledged 
truth, and that blasphemers of acknowledged truth and 
murderers of the members of Christ are not the Church 
of God." He not only deals thus with the thirty-one 
27* 



818 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

Articles, but also witli those Articles "wMcli liad created 
dissensions in the Protestant Cliurch. We are already 
acquainted witli his views, according to which, appealing 
to Luther, he maintains that in the work of conversion 
grace precedes, and the human will follows ; as Chrysos- 
tomus says : " God draweth, but only him who is willing." 
Yet, at the same time, he also admitted that God so ope- 
rated in all his saints, that their will remained in a passive 
condition. He also refutes Servetus and the Anabaptists, 
and confessed the orthodox doctrine of the union of the 
two natures in Christ. 

He was also destined to behold a violent dispute in re- 
gard to the Lord's Supper, which arose in his native land, 
the Palatinate. A certain Tilemann Hesshuss, who was 
born at Wesel in the year 1526, and had been a pupil of 
Melanchthon, had, upon his recommendation, been called 
to Heidelberg in 1558, as professor and general superin- 
tendent. A dispute arose betw^een him and a certain 
Deacon, William Klebitz, of that place. Klebitz leaned 
towards Calvinism. The Elector Frederick TIL, who had 
succeeded Otto Henry in 1559, admonished Hesshusius to 
express himself in regard to the Lord's Supper, in accord- 
ance with the Augsburg Confession. Hesshusius declared 
that he would look upon all who did not teach that the 
body of Christ is in the bread, as Zwinglians. He excom- 
municated Klebitz from the pulpit, and even attempted to 
snatch the cup from his hand at the altar. The Elector 
upon this deposed both of them, and sent his secretary 
Zeisler to Wittenberg to obtain Melanchthon 's advice. 
He replied on the 1st of November, and begins in the 
following mpamer : " This answer is not a difiicult but a 
dangerous one. Yet I vfill say, what I am able to say in 
regard to this dispute, praying the Son of God that he may 



THE LAST YEARS OF HIS LIFE, ETC. 319 

direct jour counsels, and bring this matter to a happy 
conclusion." He approves of the proceeding of the Elec- 
tor in ordering both sides to remain silent, and deposing 
them, and wishing them to use the apostle Paul's formula : 
'' The bread which we break, is it not the communion of 
the body of Christ." The apostle does not say that the 
substance of the bread is changed, as the Papists main- 
tain ; nor that the bread is the essential body of Christ, as 
those of Bremen say ; nor that the bread is the true body 
of Christ, as Hesshuss says ; but communion : that is, that 
by which a union with the body of Christ is effected." 
He declares again, as he had often done before, that he 
believed in a presence of Christ, " not on account of the 
bread, but on account of man." Christ makes us to be 
his members, and hereby testifies that he will make our 
bodies alive. Thus the ancients expressed themselves in 
regard to the Lord's Supper. It cannot be proved that 
he wished to open the door for the introduction of Calvin's 
doctrine into the Palatinate by this. 

It is well knovm from the history of the Church in the 
Palatinate, that the Elector Frederick banished the Lu- 
theran and introduced the Reformed doctrine into the 
Palatinate, and at times made use of very harsh measures 
to effect this. This grieved the aged Brenz so much, that 
although he had hitherto maintained friendly relations 
with Melanchthon, he made efforts to convene a Synod at 
Stuttgart. Here it was agreed to make the doctrine that 
Christ's body is everywhere present, which is called the 
doctrine of the TJhiquity^ the Confession of the Church of 
Wurtemberg. This gave great offence to Melanchthon ; 
and disputes concerning the Lord's Supper arose on every 
side. The princes, especially the Landgrave, were anxious 
to hold a General Synod, of which Melanchthon did not 



320 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

expect any good results, and lie therefore endeavored to 
dissuade them from it, in an opinion published December 
18th, 1559, in which he says : '' The name Synod is a 
beautiful one, and Christian Synods, like those of the 
apostles, should be convened for the settlement of disputes. 
But these Synods have frequently been the cause of great 
and cruel disorders ; and it is about as great a risk to call 
one as to make war. Therefore, it would be well if the 
Electors and Princes would not be too precipitate, and 
unadvisedly begin so dangerous a work. I do not say this 
for my own advantage ; for, although my enemies and 
their adherents condemn me, as they have persecuted and 
slandered me, I nevertheless rejoice that I am at last se- 
parated from such hypocrites, who encourage idolatry and 
murder ; and, as long as God grants life and reason to me, 
I am determined, by God's help, to adhere to that form 
of doctrine which I prepared forty years ago, in the be- 
ginning of the visitation, for the benefit of youth, not- 
withstanding great persecution ; and I commend our 
churches and authorities, and myself, to our Lord Jesus 
Christ, the Son of God." He adds, in conclusion : '' Finally, 
as union is not to be expected in such a Synod, it is not 
advisable to assemble one ; and as the meeting of the Elec- 
tors and Princes is to be held for the purpose of deli- 
berating in regard to the Synod, I, as an humble individual, 
think that this meeting should also be omitted. For the 
princes would be urged continually, until they would yield 
something to please others, and in the end it would give 
rise to dissatisfaction." 

While he was thus remonstrating against the holding of 
a General Synod, the Elector of the Palatinate, the Duke 
of Wiirtemberg, and the Landgrave, insisted upon sum- 
moning one, and their envoys endeavored to secure the 



THE LAST YEARS OE HIS LIFE, ETC. 321 

assent of the Elector Augustus to this plan. Melanchthon 
writes: "I do not know what good this plan will effect, 
while parties are so greatlj opposed to each other." He 
was also greatly distressed at this time, on account of the 
persecutions endured by his friend Hardeberg, in Bremen, 
because of the Lord's Supper. Hesshuss, expelled from 
Heidelberg, came to Bremen, but declared that he could 
not accept the situation offered to him, until Hardeberg 
would adopt different views. He proposed a discussion, 
against which Melanchthon remonstrated in the strongest 
terms. But when he found that it was nevertheless to 
take place, he resolved to go to Bremen himself, in order 
to assist his friend. But Hardeberg would not enter into 
the discussion, and was deposed in Eebruary, 1561. But 
Melanchthon did not live to see this. He saw heavy 
thunder-clouds rising around him on every side, animosities 
were becoming more and more bitter from day to day, and 
the inmost life of the Evangelical Church seemed to be 
destroyed. It is not at all to be wondered at, that he 
began to long more and more earnestly for the eternal 
world, surrounded as he was by such gloomy prospects. 
He therefore says, in a letter to Baumgartner, of Nurem- 
berg, a few weeks before his death: "I am consumed by 
my longing for the heavenly fatherland ; and if I should 
be obliged to live much longer in this misery, I would wish 
to get farther away from this barbarity." This wish was 
soon to be gratified, and we are now approaching his depar- 
ture ; but will first of all briefly view his domestic life, and 
his manifold meritorious services. 



322 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 



CHAPTER XXXV. 

HIS DOMESTIC LIFE. 

If we wish to become better acquainted witb a great 
man like Melanchthon, we must follow him from his public 
into his domestic life. Here his inner life is revealed to 
the eyes of an observer. 

We have already heard that, principally by Luther's 
encouragement, he married a daughter of Mayor Crapp, 
of Wittenberg, on the 26th of November, 1520. His wife, 
Catharine, was of the same age as himself. Shortly after 
his marriage, he was able to write of her to a friend, that 
she deserved a better husband than himself. It was there- 
fore to be expected that their union would be a happy one, 
and so it was. They regarded each other with the greatest 
affection, and thought and felt in harmony. If one, for 
instance, bestowed anything upon the poor, it filled the 
other with joy.* Frequent attacks of illness disturbed, or 

* Their house was crowded Avith a constant succession of comers 
and goers, of every age, sex, and condition; some pressing in to 
receive, and others departing well-stored from this ample repository 
of kindness and bounty. It formed a part of their domestic regu- 
lations, never to refuse an applicant Camerarius has stated, 

that on several occasions when his pecuniary resources have been 
exhausted, he would contrive J;o supply the necessitous by privately 
taking cups, or other vessels appropriated to domestic use, to a 
trader to sell, even at a very low rate. He received many presents 
of gold and silver coin. These he would often give to the first person 
who, from avarice or curiosity, might be induced to ask for them, 
simply from a disposition to oblige. 



HIS DOMESTIC LIFE. 323 

we slioiild rather say promoted, their happiness. Tie was 
greatly troubled with the stone ; and she suffered from the 
same disease, and also an affection of the liver. It is 
therefore not to he wondered at, that the oft-repeated ill- 
ness of his wife filled Melanchthon with the deepest com- 
passion, and that he often freely expressed his sorrows in 
his letters. She bore the cross to her own gain, and 
greatly longed to leave this vale of tears. She endured 
her sufferings patiently, and found her principal comfort in 
the book of Psalms, which has so often proved itself a 
lasting blessing to many souls. Frequently did she utter 
the prayer in Psalm Ixxi, 18 : ''Now also, when I am old 
and grey-headed, God, forsake me not." Camerarius, 
who was intimately acquainted with her, bears the follow- 
ing testimony; " She was a very pious woman, who loved 
her husband devotedly ; an industrious and active mother 
of her family, liberal and benevolent towards all, and so 
careful for the interests of the poor, that she did not only 
lose sight of her ability and strength in the distribution 
of her charities, but even interceded for them among her 
friends, with the greatest earnestness, and even impetu- 
osity. She led a spotless life, and was so anxious to culti- 
vate a pious and honorable character, that she did not 
concern herself about expensive entertainments, or costly 
dress." 

Their union was blessed by the birth of four children, 
two sons and two daughters ; Anna, Philip, George, and 
Magdalen. His daughter Anna was born in 1524. Me- 
lanchthon was a great friend of children, and regarded his 
OA^^n with the deepest affection. He was particularly 
devoted to his Anna. At a certain time, this little child 
entered the room, and found its father weeping. It 
approached him, and with its little apron wiped away his 



324 LIFE OF MELANCHTIION. 

tears. He says of this : " This proof of her love made a 
deep impression upon my heart." He did not dream, at 
that time, that the fate of this daughter should cause him 
to shed many bitter tears in future. At another time, one 
of his daughters absented herself from home for a long 
time. When Melanchthon saw her, he asked her, in a 
jesting way, what she would say to her mother, who would 
no doubt give her a severe scolding. The child replied, 
in its simplicity, "Nothing." He was highly pleased with 
this reply, and he often afterwards made use of it, when 
attacked by his enemies. 

Adami relates : " Upon a certain time a Frenchman paid 
him a visit. He found Philippus in the nursery, where he 
was rocking the cradle with one hand while he held a book 
in the other. When he observed the surprise of his guest, 
Philip praised the duties of family life, and the gratitude 
of children towards God in such a manner, that the stran- 
ger departed greatly instructed." He felt happy and at 
home in the nursery and in the family circle, which he 
called "the little church." His son George, who was born 
November 25th, 1527, died when he was two years old. He 
was very much attached to this child, which already dis- 
played extraordinary intellectual gifts. Great indeed, 
therefore, was his sorrow, when the Lord took it away. 
He speaks of it in several of his letters. Luther even 
calls upon Jonas to pray for him that the Lord would com- 
fort him. Luther wrote to Jonas on the 17th of August : 
" On last Sunday the Lord took away our Philip's son 
George. You can easily imagine how very difficult it is 
for us to console this tender-hearted and most sensitive 
man. The death of his son has filled him with extraordi- 
nary sorrow, for he has not experienced this before. You 



ins I>GMESTIC LIFE. 325 

know liow very important the presorvatlon of his life and 
liealtli is to us all; we all suffer and sorrow with him." 

At the close of the month Luther again wrote to Jonas : 
^' Philippus is still grieving. We all sympathize with him, 
as a man of his worth richly deserves it. Oh ! that all 
those proud Timons were humbled by crosses like this, 
who are so proud of their own wisdom, that they do not 
know how much this man, sinful and feeble though he be, 
is exalted above many, yea, thousands like Jerome, Hilary, 
and Macarius, who are altogether unworthy to unloose the 
shoes' latchets of my Philippus." 

The eldest son bore his father's name, and was born on 
the 13th of January, 1525. This boy suffered very much 
in his earlier years, so that his father entertained very 
little hope of raising him. But notwithstanding all this, 
he lived to the great age of eighty years. He did not 
possess the talents which so greatly distinguished his 
father. When very old, he wrote in an album : ''I have a 
desire to depart, and to be with Christ. Philippus Me- 
lanchthon, August 9th, 1603." 

George Sabinus was born at Brandenburg, April 23d, 
1508. In his 15th year he had come to Wittenberg to 
pursue his studies. Melanchthon became acquainted with 
him, and loved him on account of his extraordinary talents. 
He was particularly distinguished for his poetical talents. 
When Anna,* Melanchthon's favorite, was 16 years old, 
she was married to this Sabinus, with the consent of her 
parents. This occurred in the year 1536. In the year 
1538, the Elector Joachim of Brandenburg called Sabinus 
to Frankfort on the Oder, as professor of polite literature. 

^ Anna was handsome, accomplished, and of a very literary turn. 
Luther, in one of his letters, calls her "the elegant daughter of 
Philip.^'— Cox. 
28 



326 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

Being an exceedingly vain and ambitious man, lie looked 
upon tliis situation as too humble, and longed for one more 
honorable. Such an one seemed to be opened to him, 
when the Duke of Prussia established a University at 
Konigsberg. 

Melanchthon wrote to Camerarius in the Spring of 
1544 : " Sabinus intends to leave the academy (at Frank- 
fort) because he finds it very difficult to satisfy the de- 
mands of so many learned judges. He is looking for 
hiding-places where he will be able to rule, and from 
whence he may be introduced to courtly life. This, you 
must know, is the substance of his plans. Perhaps we 
may add to this, that he is desirous of removing my daugh- 
ter farther away from my observation ; but I endeavor to 
be calm." 

We may easily conceive that the modest, gentle Anna, 
could not live happily in such a union. She complained 
to her parents, for Sabinus was also a spendthrift in addi- 
tion to all this. By the recommendation of Camerarius, 
Sabinus was appointed the first Rector of the University 
of Konigsberg, on the 17th of August, 1544. Before re- 
moving to this place, Anna and her children remained for 
some time in the house of her parents at Wittenberg. 
Melanchthon 's love towards his daughter and her children 
was now renewed and increased, especially as he saw the 
prospects that awaited them. He wrote to Camerarius : 
*' This journey of my daughter fills me with constant sor- 
row. But I pray that the Lord may regard our tears. 
Could you but see how amiably my daughter has deported 
herself while at home ; she is quiet, modest, gentle, very 
conciliatory, and of a prudent mind." 

But she was not destined to remain in this school of 
sufi*ering for a very long time ; for, as we have already 



HIS DOMESTIC LIFE. 327 

heard, the Lord removed her in March, 1547. This was 
the severest affliction that Melanchthon ever endured. 
Prom Zerbst he wrote to his friend Paul Eber in Witten- 
berg : "I send you a narrative of my daughter's death, 
which, whenever I read it, or even but think of it, so in- 
creases my parental sorrow, that I fear it will injure my 
health. I cannot banish the sight of my weeping daughter 
from my eyes, who, when she was asked what she would 
like to say to her parents, replied : "I think of several 
things, which fill me with anguish." Camerarius says, that 
she appeared as a corpse to her father in a dream, in the 
very night in which she died. Melanchthon wrote to him 
that his daughter had gently passed out of this life, giving 
striking evidences of her love towards God, her husband, 
and children. 

It soon appeared that the love which Melanchthon had 
borne towards his departed daughter was now transferred 
to her children. He therefore wrote to Sabinus : ^' I wish 
our friendship to be a lasting one, and am determined to 
cherish it faithfully. I shall look upon your children as 
my own, and they are indeed my own. I do not love them 
less than I loved their mother. Many know how fondly I 
loved my daughter; and this love has not been extin- 
guished by her death, but continues to be nourished by 
sorrow and ardent desire. And as I know how much she 
loved her children, I believe that I must transfer her affec- 
tions to myself." Great indeed was his joy when Sabinus, 
during his journey to Wittenberg in the autumn of 1547, 
left behind him three daughters and a son. These grand- 
children were the greatest recreation of the grand-parents. 
He would sometimes even speak of these children before 
his hearers. 

His youngest daughter Magdalen, born July 18th, 1533, 



328 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

was married to Doctor Caspar Peucer, when slie was but 
19 years of age. After Melanchthon's death, Peucer be- 
came the first professor of the University of Wittenberg, 
and physician in ordinary to the Elector of Saxony. Their 
union was richly blessed with children. He endured many 
persecutions afterwards, because he and some of his col- 
leagues secretly approved of the doctrines of Calvin, on 
which account they were called Cryptocalvinists. He was 
compelled to languish in a prison for twelve years. During 
this time his wife died. One morning he dreamed that he 
was tolling the bell for a funeral. The rope broke in his 
hand, and awaking, he cried out: "The rope is broken, 
and we are free." In the very same moment the door of 
his cell was opened, and he was liberated. Grief took such 
possession of his heart, that he was frequently observed 
w^eeping during public worship in Zerbst, whither he had 
retired. 

His servant John has likewise been very properly 
counted a member of Melanchthon's family. This John 
was a Swabian, who for thirty-four years served him with 
great fidelity and honesty, managed all his household 
affairs, and trained and instructed his children. Me- 
lanchthon entertained the highest respect for him, and 
frequently wrote to him, when absent on a journey. This 
mail must have had a truly Christian understanding and 
heart. When Veit Dietrich upon a certain occasion sent 
some sermons upon the struggles of the soul of the Son 
of God to Melanchthon, he replied that he had not read 
them yet, but intended to- read them attentively, and then 
continues : " My servant, who reads such books with great 
delight, praises them very much." 

W^hen he died, Melanchthon publicly announced his 
death, and spoke of him in the most touching manner. 



HIS DOMESTIC LIFE. 329 

We will repeat it : " My servant Jolin, born on the Neckar, 
lived with me foiu'-and-thirtj years. He served God with 
true piety, and towards men he was just, truthful, and 
obliging. He was chaste, and a friend of chastity. He 
devoted his mornings to the reading of the Scriptures and 
prayer, then to the training and instruction of my little 
sons and daughters, and then to household affairs. He 
accompanied us in all our times of exile, in time of war 
and pestilence, and witnessed my life, labors, and afflic- 
tions. And time never produced any change in him to- 
wards us." This is an honorable testimony for Melanch- 
thon, even as Eliezer was an honor to Abraham. 

We must also notice Melanchthon's personal appearance, 
his manner of life, and devotional exercises. There was 
nothing striking in his appearance. He was small and 
thin, yet of good proportions; his chest was broad, and 
his neck somewhat long. His face was very expressive, 
his forehead was high, and his blue eyes were full of 
beauty, intelligence, and gentleness. He was very ani- 
mated in conversation. The amount of work performed by 
this man is really amazing, when we remember that he 
enjoyed but few healthy days in the whole period of his 
life. He was frequently troubled with sleeplessness ; at 
other times, he was severely afflicted with the stone : and 
besides this, he was also subject to affections of the bowels. 
He had accustomed himself to very strict habits of life.* 
He could be found in his study at 2 or 3 o'clock in the 
morning, both in summer and winter. During the day, he 
read three or four lectm^es, attended to the conferences of 

* He always estimated time as a most precious possession. It is 
said of him, that when he made an appointment, he expected not 
only the day or the hour,T3ut the mimde to be fixed, that time might 
not be squandered away in the vacuity or idleness of suspense. — Cox, 

28* 



830 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

the professors, and after that labored until supper-time. 
After this, he retired about 9 o'clock. He would not open 
any letters in the evening, in order that his sleep might 
not be disturbed by anxiety. As his friends on the Rhine 
made him frequent presents of Tvine, he was in the habit 
of drinking a glass before supper. 

His habits were extremely regular. He generally took 
one simple meal a day, and never more than two. As he 
was frequently invited to entertainments at Wittenberg, 
and other places, he could not at all times strictly adhere 
to this manner of life. He was not fond of luxuries, but 
preferred soups, fish, vegetables, and eggs. He was fond 
of conversing at table ; and a man of his acquirements, 
who had conversed with princes, statesmen, and other 
celebrated persons, was never at a loss for a topic. He 
was fond of cheerfulness and pleasant jests ; but his fervent 
piety diffused a pleasing and blessed light over his whole 
walk and conversation. He began every duty in the name 
of God, and as in his presence. The word of the Apostle 
Paul, " In him we live, and move, and have our being," 
was ever present to his mind. He was frequently heard 
exclaiming, "May our Lord God help us, and be merciful 
unto us !" When he arose from his bed in the morning, 
he addressed the triune God in the following brief form of 
prayer : " Almighty, Eternal God, Father of our Lord 
Jesus Christ, Creator of heaven and earth, and man, toge- 
ther with thy Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, thy word and 
image, and with thy Holy Spirit, have mercy upon us, and 
forgive us our sins for thy Son's sake, whom thou hast 
made our Mediator according to thy wonderful counsels, and 
do thou guide and sanctify us by thy Holy Spirit, which 
was poured out upon the Apostles. Grant that we may 
truly know and praise thee throughout all eternity !" 



HIS doj\eestic life. 331 

After prayer he read a portion of the Bible, and then 
looked into the almanac, in order to remind himself of the 
time of the ecclesiastical year, and of the men of God, 
•whose name-days were there recorded. It was only after 
he had thus sanctified himself by the word of God and 
prayer, that he began his labors, or wrote the most urgent 
letters. He always dined regularly at a fixed hour, and 
here not only a blessing was asked, but the Apostle's 
Creed was also repeated. He entertained a very high 
regard for this Creed, and was in the habit of repeating it 
three times every day. He thus speaks of it in some of 
his writings : ^' There are many reasons why we should 
accustom ourselves to a daily repetition of the Creed. 
Godly and pious men are in the habit of repeating it at 
least three times every day. Dr. Jerome Schurff, a wise 
and learned man, when he found that death was approach- 
ing, repeated it almost every hour, and that, too, with such 
fervency of spirit, that all could see how much he was 
encouraged and strengthened by this Confession." He 
also laid great stress upon the Lord's Prayer, the Psalms, 
and the Ten Commandments ; and frequently exhorted his 
students to accustom themselves to repeat them. 

This piety, which he constantly recommended to others, 
and practised in his domestic life, also animated all the 
labors of his calling. He regarded his lecture room, in 
which so many hearers assembled anxious to hear their 
master, as if it were his Church, tie somewhere makes 
the remark: "Above the entrance of many old churches, 
we read the inscription, ' My house shall be called a house 
of prayer,' sculptured in the stone. This inscription 
should also be placed upon schools, for they are a part of 
the public worship of God ; we there teach and learn the 
truth, and must unite prayer with it all." In another 



66Z LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

place he says : ^' We occupy this position in the name of 
God, in order that we may preserve and disseminate that 
truth which gives salvation to the human race ; and God 
demands diligence both on the part of teachers and pupils. 
We must enter the school with the same feelings with 
which we enter the temple, namely, that we desire to learn 
and communicate divine things. If any man enters the 
school merely to acquire a portion of knowledge, which he 
may use for gain or empty ambition, let such an one 
remember that he is desecrating the holiest temple of 
science." 

It was his constant aim to do everything for the glory 
of God, and to be "a useful instrument of the church." 
And if this was the case in all his efforts to educate youth, 
how much more was it the case when the church itself was 
concerned ! He was not one of those with whom Chris- 
tianity and affection for the church is something so internal 
that it never manifests itself. He approved of the use of 
particular forms of prayer. He says : '' We are not to 
despise the verbal prayer, which helps to arouse us. Dr. 
Jerome Schurff very properly observes : Christ says, when 
ye pray, say : Our Father, which art in heaven. There- 
fore it is not sufficient to pray in the spirit, but if it is 
possible we must also utter words by which the devotional 
feelings of our hearts are increased." In his prayers he 
steadfastly relied upon the promises of God, and doubtless 
frequently rejoiced in having found that which he sought. 
He loved the house of God, and w^as a faithful attendant 
at the public worship of God. Heerbrand of Tiibingen, 
in his EulogyJ bears this honorable testimony : ^' He was 
anxious to frequent public worship, not only to set a good 
example to others, but because he knew that the Holy 
Spirit exercised his power through the word of God, and 



HIS DOMESTIC LIFE. 333 

that tlie Son of God was present, so that his faith might 
be strengthened, and the spirit of prayer be enkindled in 
the congregations of the saints ; even as he constantly 
prayed with inexpressible sighs, and offered up prayers 
and supplications for the church and himself. We, who 
knew him, are all able to testify in regard to this." 

He once remarked to his hearers : "You are not to act 
in so brutish and impertinent a manner as to think it does 
not matter even if I do not go to church, for it is nothing 
but Popery and superstition. No, but it is barbarism to 
neglect these privileges. There is no more beautiful sight 
than orderly and holy assemblies, in which men are in- 
structed of God, and where they unite in prayer and 
thanksgiving. We have here a type of eternal life, where 
we shall sit in the presence of God and his Son, and hear 
the Son of God instructing us in reference to the greatest 
wonders." 

In another place he says : " You must connect your- 
selves with the church, and maintain the public worship 
of God. You know how frequently the Psalmist prayed : 
*' One thing have I desired of the Lord, that will I seek 
after ; that I may dwell in the house of the Lord all the 
days of my life." Lord, let me live where there is a 
church, however small. Just as I once related of my little 
daughter, who said : " Konigsberg is a very nice place too, 
for there they go to church just like here." She saw how 
glorious these assemblies are. He also in another place 
expresses his sentiments in regard to this matter in a very 
decided manner: "We love the united devotions of the 
house of God. Those who do not come to church, but 
accustom themselves to walking about, feasting, and other 
abominations, while the godly are assembled to hear the 



334 LIPE OF MELANCHTHON. 

word of God, will degenerate more and more. They will 
become swine, lewd fellows, and devils. In my house at 
Tubingen, in wMcb Dr. Jerome Scburff had also resided, 
this ancient vorse was written upon the walls : ^' To go to 
church delay eth not, to give alms impoverisheth not, and 
unjust wealth remaineth not." 

We have heard before, that it was his opinion that the 
public worship of GU)d should not be enterely devoid of all 
ceremonies. But the ceremonies should not be opposed to 
the Scriptures. He did not approve of depriving the 
churches of their ornaments and pictures. However, we 
are already sufficiently acquainted with his sentiments in 
these respects. 

It is very remarkable that he attached such great im- 
portance to dreams, and the position of the stars. He 
dreamed a great deal, and in his letters frequently speaks 
of the stars ; and whenever comets made their appearance 
he looked upon them as signs of evil times, and troubled 
himself exceedingly. He also relates instances of the in- 
fluence exerted upon the lives of men by good and evil 
spirits, from which it appears that he looked upon such 
influences as very powerful. 



SOMETHING MORE OF MELANCIITIION'S MERITS. 335 



CHAPTER XXXVI. 

SOMETHING MORE OF MELANCHTHON'S MERITS. 

The reader has had sufficient evidence in the life of our 
Reformer, that he was indeed a learned man, and per- 
formed most valuable services in the church and school. 
He labored especially to combine science with the work of 
the Reformation, and to render the study of the Greek 
and Latin writers serviceable to the cause of Christianity. 
And he proved very satisfactorily, that these studies can 
be attended to without sacrificing true Christianity. Of 
course, there is a very great difference between him and 
those scholars of our own day, who diffuse a knowledge of 
heathen authors apart from true Christianity. While the 
latter are training up a generation which is filled with 
heathen ideas, and but too often lives a heathenish life, 
Melanchthon trained pupils who also possessed a thorough 
knowledge of the ancient languages, but at the same time 
loved Christian truth. This " Teacher of Germany,'' as 
he was called, would still be able to show the teachers of 
our modern youth, that extensive attainments, and true, 
living Christianity, are not necessarily opposed to each 
other, but may be brought to harmonize with each other in 
the most beautiful manner. How earnestly he labored to 
instil a thorough knowledge into the minds of his pupils, 
is manifest from his own words : "To neglect the young 
in our schools is just like taking the Spring out of the 



336 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

year. They indeed take away tlie Spring from the year 
who permit the schools to decline, because religion cannot 
be maintained without them. And a terrible darkness will 
fall upon society, if the study of the sciences should be 
neglected." 

As he himself had attained solid knowledge in his youth, 
he was also anxious that his pupils should be well grounded 
in the various branches of knowledge. He was therefore 
not ashamed to instruct young men in the rudiments of 
the dead languages. For this purpose he wrote a Greek 
and a Latin grammar, which were used in the schools until 
the beginning of the last century. He was instrumental 
in securing cheap editions of the Greek and Roman au- 
thors. But he did not confine himself entirely to the 
study of languages ; he also devoted himself to other 
branches of knowledge, particularly History. He was 
very anxious to direct greater attention to German His- 
tory. A number of excellent scholars were prepared under 
Melanchthon's superintendence, one of whom, Valentine 
Friedland, called Trotzendorf, became very distin- 
guished. 

We will not enter into the consideration of his services 
in Philosophy, the promotion of Eloquence, Ethics, Psy- 
chology, Natural Philosophy, and Astronomy, but shall 
merely say a few words more of the influence he exerted 
upon true Theology, 

He was mainly instrumental in introducing the know- 
ledge of the Greek language among the Protestants, and 
also in encouraging them to study the Hebrew, because he 
saw that a knowledge of the original languages was abso- 
lutely essential in order to understand the Holy Scriptures 
properly. Besides this, as we have heard before, he wrote 
critical expositions of most of the books of the Bible. His 



SOMETHING MORE OF MELANCIITIION'S MERITS. 33T 

Latin comments upon the Gospel lessons appointed to be 
read in the Churches, were delivered before the Hungarians, 
who did not understand the German language. Christopher 
Pezel informs us of their origin : " When the University 
was re-established after the war of Smalkald, Philip Me- 
lanchthon began to explain the Gospels for Sundays and 
festival days, in his own house, for the sake of a number 
of Hungarians, who were not able to understand the Ger- 
man sermons in the churches. As a large number of other 
persons also began to attend these lectures or sermons, in 
which he explained the principal truths of his text in a 
familiar conversational manner, he was obliged to hold 
them in the public Lecture-Room. As he was very skilful 
in instructing youth, and thoroughly supplied with every 
kind of learning, he was careful to suit his explanations to 
the capacities of his hearers, the greater part of whom 
were young men, and many of them boys." 

These lectures were very numerously attended. He was 
in the habit of beginning to explain the separate verses 
according to their literal meaning. He then proceeded to 
inquire whether his explanation agreed with the context, 
and then went on to develop the doctrines of faith. He laid 
great stress upon this analogy of Scripture truths. And 
this alone, which the ungodly commentators of later times 
did not recognize, throws a full light upon exposition. We 
are already sufficiently well acquainted with his system of 
doctrine. Although, as we have seen, he ^aelded in some 
points in an improper manner, he nevertheless adhered to 
the substance of divine truth. The Augsburg Confession 
was his Confession. Whenever therefore any one attacked 
the fundamental doctrines of Christianity, as they are re- 
presented in the confessions of the first centuries, he would 
become very much excited, and thought that such persons 
29 



338 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

ought to be pmilslied. Therefore he decidedly approved 
of the burning of Michael Servetus, who rejected and 
blasphemed the doctrine of the Trinity. He acted in the 
spirit of the Old Testament, and forgot, that although 
such persons cannot be regarded as members of the Chris- 
tian church, they must be borne with patiently. 

He was also in favor of using the strongest measures 
against the Anabaptists, and other fanatics and heretics. 
Although he did not look upon this in the light of the New 
Testament, his view rested in a warm zeal for the purity 
of the Christian Church, which he looked upon as of the 
utmost importance. It is true, the objection might bo 
raised here that he himself should not have been so incon- 
stant in many doctrines. But this was very agreeable to 
many in his own days, w^ho became his follow^ers. He thus 
became the leader of a party, no doubt against his own 
will. His followers were afterwards called Philippists, 
It does not belong to our task to write the history of this 
party, and to present its sad destiny. There are still some 
divines who esteem Melanchthon's faults as his highest 
perfections, and look upon him as a man far in advance of 
his own time, or in other words, as a man who occupies 
their own position. But if these extollers of Melan6hthon 
w^ould take the trouble to examine his writings, and the 
additional trouble to compare their own amount of faith 
with that of the Master of Wittenberg, it would not only 
result to their own disadvantage, but it would be apparent 
that they are not even worthy to loosen the latchets of hia 
shoes. For the fundamental doctrines of the Divinity of 
Christ, of the Atonement, Justification by Faith, and the 
like, were so fully established in his view, that he would 
not suffer the least doubt in regard to them. How stead- 
fastly he adhered to them, and how faithfully he relied 



HE DIES. 339 

upon his Saviour, is proved by his last illness and death- 
bed, which no doubt may be regarded as among the most 
edifying upon record, and which we therefore propose to 
describe at length. 



CHAPTER XXXYII. 

HE DIES. 

A CLOUD of the noblest champions and witnesses of God 
had already departed to that place where we rest after the 
battle, and where the confessor receives the reward of 
grace. Melanchthon had long before this desired to lay 
aside his arms, and to celebrate a Sabbath, in Avhich he 
might sing the new song to him that sitteth upon the 
throne, with his friends Luther, Cruciger, Veit Dietrich, 
Sturm, Bucer, Bugenhagen, and all the company of the 
saints made perfect. He had also expressed this longing 
towards the eternal home in many of his letters. The 
most ancient account, that of the University, says in 
regard to this : " When he had now become worn out, and 
weary of this life, he prepared himself for death for several 
years ; even as he wrote concerning himself, that he was 
tired of this life, and was therefore directing his thoughts 
to another world, and towards his beloved Lord Jesus 
Christ. That he had done as much as he could in this life, 
and would leave the rest with God. He comforted himself 
with the reflection that he had always meant well, and his 
conscience did not accuse him on this account. And with 



840 LIFE OF MELANCHTIION. 

this clear conscience, lie trusted to go "into tlie presence 
of his Lord Jesus, with God's help, no matter what an 
ungrateful world might say about it." Whenever his 
opponents attacked him at this time, he would say: "Let 
them write until they are satisfied, and do whatever they 
please, I shall not trouble them much longer. But I, with 
God's help, will continue to teach diligently, and present a 
simple exposition of truth to the young, as long as I live, 
and will pray God to grant me a joyful departure." To 
this mental weariness, bodily infirmities were added. He 
began to experience great difiiculty in writing letters, which 
he had done with much ease formerly ; and his eyes, too, 
grew weaker. 

On the 30th of March, 1560, he departed for Leipzig, 
in order to examine the stipendiaries of the Elector. After 
he had finished his labors, he left Leipzig on the 4th of 
April. His journey aff'ected him very unfavorably, for the 
air was inclement and cold, and they Avere riding against a 
cutting north wind. He said, even while in the carriage, 
"that he had not felt the coldness so much during the 
whole winter, as he did now." He was able to sleep very 
little during the night from the 7th to the 8th of April ; 
towards morning he was affected with fever, accompanied 
by a cough and shortness of breath, and his eyes appeared 
so sunken, that his friends were terrified. But notwith- 
standing all this, he roused himself from his couch to 
attend to his duties, but found himself so much exhausted 
by his efforts, that he was repeatedly obliged to totter to 
his couch, to refresh himself. During this day, he yet 
wrote a short letter to Moller, and apologized for its bre- 
vity on account of the severe pain he was suffering. His 
son-in-law. Doctor Peucer, thought that the affection of the 
Stone, with which his father-in-law had suffered severely 



HE DIES. 341 

before, was again making its appearance, and Lad a bath 
and warm poultices prepared for him. 

After wishing him good night, the invalid said : '' If it 
is the will of God that I shall die, I am heartily willing to 
die, and I only pray God to grant me a joyful dismission." 
He felt that death was approaching ; and as he was fond 
of reading and interpreting the stars, he observed intima- 
tions of his death in the planets. He rose shortly before 
8 o'clock, in order to deliver his usual lecture. His friends, 
Esrom (Riidiger) and Sturm, in vain endeavored to dis- 
suade him from doing so. He said, " I will lecture for a 
half hour, and then use a bath." But when he was about 
to set his foot upon a little stool which he used when he 
washed his hands, he became so weak that he was not able 
to lift up the other foot, so that he almost fell back. Upon 
this he said, ^' I shall go out like a lamp." He went to 
the lecture-room, accompanied by his two friends ; but it 
was not yet 8 o'clock, and but few students were present. 
He then remarked: ''What is the use of our being here?" 
On the way back to his house, he said to his companions : 
"If I could reach Konigsberg, I might become better." 
When he reached the house, he felt somewhat better, and 
his friends did not venture to give notice that the lecture 
would be omitted. Esrom departed, in order to seal the 
letter in which he had communicated Melanchthon's illness 
to Camerarius, 

At 9 o'clock, he again went out to deliver his lecture. 
It only lasted a quarter of an hour. He spoke of the 
ransom of Christ, which he offered as Mediator, not silver 
and gold, but his precious blood, by which he fulfilled the 
law, and satisfied justice. He spoke with his usual anima- 
tion. Upon his return home, he took a bath. He took 
but very little food, and then slept soundly for three hours. 
29* 



842 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

At supper, lie spoke distinctly, but feebly. On the fol- 
lowing night the fever returned, and Peucer found that he 
had been mistaken as to his disease. 

On the 9th and 10th of April, Melanchthon was lively 
and cheerful ; and at a meeting of the faculty, spoke very 
earnestly against the parties among the students. In the 
afternoon, he corrected several funeral orations in honor 
of Duke Philip, of Pomerania, who died on the 24th of 
February, and said : '' I am now only engaged upon fune- 
ral matters. This worthy Prince of Pomerania was also 
named Philip. Perhaps I shall be the next Philip, from 
the common herd, who shall follow this pious prince." On 
the same day he delivered a very animated lecture upon 
Christ's prayer (John xvii.), and also made preparations to 
read a meditation suitable to the festival of Good Friday, 
in the morning at 6 o'clock (April 12th). It was based 
upon the 53d chapter of the Prophet Isaiah. In this he 
remarks : " Our diligence and valor is also needed." He 
had indeed spent a bad night, but this did not deter him. 
When he was told that in the evening they had seen clouds 
resembling bound rods, he spoke very earnestly of the 
judgments of God. ^' The people," he said, "are be- 
coming secure, and care for no warnings ; and whenever 
this is the case, punishment is not far off. May God 
Almighty be gracious unto us, whom Ave heartily pray to 
remember mercy in the midst of his wrath." The follow- 
ing night he enjoyed good rest, and slept very quietly. He 
awoke whilst he was singing an old hymn, which, when a 
boy, he had frequently sung in Church: "With desire 
have I desired to eat this passover with you before I suf- 
fer." He wrote an Easter Meditation on the great Sab- 
bath, the day before Easter, and carried it to the printing- 
office himself. He then went to church, confessed his sins, 



HE DIES. 343 

received absolution, and together "with others, in true faith 
received the body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ with 
thanksgiving and fervent prayer. In the afternoon at 2 
o'clock, he went to look after his manuscript in the print- 
ing-office. This was his last walk in the street. 

At 4 o'clock in the afternoon, his dear friend Camera- 
rius, of Leipzig, who had been informed of his friend's 
precarious condition, through Peucer, entered the house, 
and found his friend Melanchthon upon the lowest step of 
the stairway that led to his study, resting his head upon 
his hand. He arose and welcomed him, and they conti- 
nued to converse for some time. At 5 o'clock, he ex- 
pressed a wish to go to bed, for a severe chill had come 
upon him. He did not eat anything. He could not sleep 
during the night after Easter ; the heat of the fever was 
rapidly consuming his strength ; but notwithstanding all 
this, he could not be persuaded to omit his customary 
annual Easter Meditation. He had already put on his 
coat to go out. But the good man was so feeble that he 
was barely able to stand. Some one had informed the 
students that the Master w^ould not lecture, upon which 
they all departed. When his son Philip came in to inform 
his father that there were no auditors there, his father 
replied, in a tone of displeasure, '' So you have told them 
to go away." But when his son apologized, he said, in a 
milder tone, " To whom shall I lecture, if there is no one 
present?" He then took off his coat. He proceeded to 
Avrite several letters, while Camerarius remained with him, 
and the rest went to church. The excellent and pious 
prince Joachim, of Anhalt, who had heard of his illness, 
sent him a moor-hen, and several partridges. He partook 
of some of these, and also of some Hungarian plums. He 



844 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

also drank some Rhenish wine, and remarked that he liked 
it. He also conversed very pleasantly with his friends. 

Wfien he arose from the table, he went up into his room 
and rested for a while upon his couch. He had also com- 
menced writing a letter to Prussia, which he now continued, 
without however finishing it. He was not able to write 
any more ; he rested, and thought of his deceased friend, 
Dr. Pommer.* He said, " Doctor Pommer, that good, and 
now sainted man, died of nothing but old age ;" and con- 
tinued : ''no one ought to wish to live so long that his age 
and feebleness would render him altogether useless to 
men." 

On one of the following days, he prayed to God in a 
very fervent manner, in the hearing of many persons, that 
he Avould graciously remove him from this life, if he was 
not to serve the Church and Christian youth any longer." 
And God heard this prayer, which he repeated several 
times. 

During the night he slept tolerably well. When he 

* John,Bugenhagen, Pomeranus, or Pommer, was one of the most 
remarkable men of the age, and may be justly ranked with Luther 
and Melanchthon, with whom he cherished a long and close friend- 
ship, and to whom he was in many respects little inferior. Origi- 
nally he was a schoolmaster at Treptow in Pomerania ; and when he 
first saw the "Babylonish Captivity" by Luther, exclaimed, "The 
author of this book is the most pestilent heretic that ever infested 
the Church of Christ." But after examining it more seriously, and 
with an inquisitive mind, it produced so entire a change of senti- 
ment, that he said, " The whole world is blind, and this man alone 
sees the truth." When he was chosen to be minister of the great 
Church at AYittenberg, he not only did not aim at this elevation, but 
was almost dragged by force out of his obscurity to possess it, and 
assiduously devoted himself to the duties of this eminent station 
during thirty-six years. He expired in peace, at the advanced age 
of seventy-three."^ — Cox. 



HE DIES. 345 

arose, therefore, he continued to write. However, his 
friends persuaded him not to lecture on this day, (Easter 
Monday.) Before going to table, he said : " If it is God's 
will, I am willing to die. I have a desire to depart, and 
to be with Christ." He then spoke of the original Greek 
word in the New Testament, which does not properly 
signify to depart^ but " to journey or prepare for a jour- 
ney." lie also recollected a remark made by the worthy 
and pious Dr. Milichius : ''It might be that a person 
would be very anxious to leave this life ; but at the same 
time, no man could earnestly think of death, without 
shuddering." Melanchthon coincided with this, and said: 
'' The great misery and troubles of life are not able to give 
a man joy in the hour of death. Something more is need- 
ful before a man can feel this." He retired to his bed, 
and rested for about three hours. When he had risen at 
one time, and Camerarius and Peucer were again placing 
him upon his couch, he began to sink under their hands. 
But they restored him by rubbing him. He spent a very 
restless night ; his cough was quite troublesome, and 
he slept little. This was the fifth attack of the" fever. 
He remarked that at Weimar, Doctor Sturtz had applied a 
cardiac of corals, which relieved him, and that he had 
thought of the word of the prophet in his sleep : "I shall 
not die, but live, and declare the works of the Lord." He 
requested them to apply corals in the present instance, 
and they did so. 

In the morning of the 16th of April, at 4 o'clock, he 
was heard praying very earnestly. After his prayer he 
completed the letter to Prussia. On this day Camera- 
rius wished to go home, intending to return at a more 
convenient time, xill entertained hopes that the fever 
would leave him after the seventh attack. As Melanch- 



346 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

thon had not eaten anything the day before, a meal was 
prepared earlier than usual, in order that he and his friend 
might eat together. Before going down, they sat on a 
bench surrounded by some other friends. And now Me- 
lanchthon quite unexpectedly said to Camerarius, as if 
giving him his blessing : " My dear Dr. Joachim, we have 
been joined in the bonds of friendship about forty years, 
and we have loved each other with a sincere and disin- 
terested affection. We have been teachers of youth and 
faithful colleagues, each in his proper place, and I hope to 
God that our labors have not been useless, but have done 
much good. If it is God's will that I must die, we will 
perpetuate our unalterable friendship in the world to 
come." They then both sat down to table. Melanchthon 
then turned to Camerarius's son-in-law, Esrom, whose 
WTfe had died a year and a half before, and said : " I to- 
day dreamed of your wife, as if I had seen her die." He 
said of this pious and virtuous woman, that he heard her 
remark: "I know that God will not forsake me." ''I 
can never forget that word," he said. When something 
was said of the hurtful doctrine of doubt, he said to 
Esrom : " Your sainted wife did not speak so." He also 
referred again to the hymn, which he sung in his sleep 
three days ago, and said that it sounded so sweetly. He 
ate and drank very little, and grew weaker and weaker. 
He expressed a wish to retire to his room, and tried to go 
to sleep. Camerarius felt very anxious in regard to him, 
and determined not to lepart that day. The sick man fell 
asleep, lying upon his back, with his eyes half-open. 

He was the very picture of a corpse. His friends were 
filled with fear, and tears filled their eyes as they gazed 
upon him. The servants Avept and cried aloud, as if their 
master were already dead. But it had not come to this 



HE DIES. 347 

yet ; and when he turned upon his side in his sleep, liis 
countenance assumed a more natural appearance, and he 
slept soundly. He awoke after three hours, and said that 
he had slept exceedingly well. Cheerfulness and animation 
seemed to return. During this day, a Danish Theologian, 
on his way to his own country, entered his room. Me- 
I'anchthon was very much pleased with the visit of this 
gentleman, and gave him several books, which had been 
printed at Wittenberg, in order that he might present them 
to the King of Denmark. The invalid requested him to 
apologize for him to the king, because he had not written ; 
that he w^as prevented by illness ; however, God willing, 
he hoped to ^YTite soon, and faithfully and humbly to thank 
his majesty for all his gracious favors. He also prayed 
that the king and his entire kingdom might continue to 
enjoy happiness and prosperity. 

He was so refreshed by his sleep, that he wrote letters, 
walked through his room and the house, and was more 
cheerful and animated than during the whole time of his 
illness. All began to entertain a hope of his recovery. At 
the supper-table, he was very cheerful. When the con- 
versation turned upon those men who had brought discord 
into the Church, and still continued to foment it, he was 
greatly moved, and with unusual passion remarked : " They 
are knaves, and w^ill remain knaves, and God will yet make 
it manifest that they are knaves." He remained at table 
until about 8 o'clock. It was the last meal he ever 
received in the lower part of his house. His sleep was 
refreshing. In his sleep his spirit was impressed with the 
words of the Apostle Paul, " If God be for us, who can 
be against us ?" 

On the following day, April 17th, he sealed the letter to 
Prussia, wrote something upon some small pamphlets, and 



348 LIFE OF MELANCHTIION. 

sent tliem to his friends, and a few of them to the Duke. 
When he felt some fatigue, and the fever was about attack- 
ing him again, Camerarius came to bid him farewelL 
Philip said : " The Son of God, who sitteth at the right 
hand of his heavenly Father, and giveth gifts to men, 
preserve you and yours, and all of us. Give my warmest 
regards to your dear wife !" This was the last interview 
of these affectionate friends. Camerarius mounted his 
horse before Melanchthon's door, and went to Leipzig to 
attend to some important matters, intending to return 
afterwards. Prince Joachim, of Anhalt, on the same day 
sent one of his attendants to inquire in regard to the good 
man's health. Melanchthon conversed with him in a very 
friendly manner, and expressed his affection towards the 
prince in such moving blessings and wishes for his welfare, 
that every eye was filled with tears. Several letters also 
arrived from Switzerland, which spoke of the prospects of 
a General Council, w^hich the Pope intended to convene. 
He said: "It is far better for me to die, than to be obliged 
to attend this Council." For every one could easily ima- 
gine what shameful dissensions would arise there, even on 
the side of the Protestants.' At 8 o'clock, the fever made 
its appearance for the sixth time. To some one standing 
at his bedside, he remarked: "I was to-night thinking of 
the foolish dispute that some pretend, that Christ was not 
afraid of death. But he understood what it is to die, far 
better than we do, or can do. Therefore he no doubt was 
more afraid of death than we are." He also said, " How 
does the will of the Lord Jesus Christ agree with the will 
of his Heavenly Father, when he was afraid of death!" 
But he did not give any further intimation of his views in 
regard to this. He again spoke of Esrom's wife : "What 
a fine young woman your beloved wife was ! She had a 



HE DIES. 349 

strong constitution, too ; and yet she died very easily, and 
had a disease very much like mine. For she had pains in 
her left side, and I have them too. But the great weak- 
ness of my body is owing to other causes, which I do not 
understand." And shortly before retiring, he said: "If 
this is not death, it is indeed a very severe scourge." A 
large map hung near his bed, which he regarded very 
attentively. He turned round, and with a smile remarked : 
" Yirdungus once foretold to me, by astrology, that I would 
be shipwrecked upon the ocean, and now I am not far from 
it." He had reference to the painted ocean upon the map. 
When the heat of the fever came upon him, and he was 
about to uncover his extremities, a feeling of modesty led 
him to say to those who were surrounding his bed: "What 
are you standing here for ? Can't you go home ?" This 
frightened many so much that they retired, and fewer per- 
sons were present during that day. At 2 o'clock, the fever 
left him ; it had not been as severe as before. He rose, 
and took some food, but his stomach would not retain it. 
He again retired, and slept until 5 o'clock. He was lying 
all night in his chamber, his slumbers being very slight 
and restless. His friends feared that the returning fever 
would consume his remaining strength. Philip himself 
said, "The end is not far distant;" and prayed, "0 Lord, 
make an end !" 

On the 18th of April he rose early in the morning at 4 
o'clock, and was conveyed down into his study. He re- 
quested them to remove the sofa, which felt uncomfortable, 
and to put up his travelling-bed. When he was taken 
down, he said : " This is called a travelling-bed ; suppose 
I should be obliged to travel in it ?" While the physicians 
became convinced, from a number of signs, that he would 
not recover, he felt it himself, and said, " he was perfectly 
30 



350 



LIFE OF MELANCHTHON, 



satisfied, if it was God's will." At 8 o'clock, pastor Paul 
Eber, and several other persons, entered tlie room, and 
approached the death-bed. Melanchthon frequently re- 
peated that he had subjected his own will to the will of 
God, and that life and death were altogether in his hands. 
He would be perfectly satisfied with whatever he should 
do ; and he also remarked, " by the blessing of God I have 
no particular anxieties now ; for although my daughter's 
children, whom I tenderly love, are now passing before 
my eyes, I comfort myself with the thought that they are 
in the hands of pious and godly parents, whom I love also. 
They will be solicitous for their welfare, and carefully train 
them, as I have done hitherto, and God will also add his 
blessing. But I feel for the common calamities, and am 
greatly troubled because a cavilling and perverse world 
acts so wilfully, and troubles the Holy Christian Church 
so shamefully. However, let them do whatever they please, 
through the goodness of God our doctrine is correct and 
clear for all that." He then said to some persons present, 
"You are young, and have received sufiicient talents 
through the goodness of God ; but see to it that you use 
them aright. May Almighty God preserve you, and give 
you strength and wisdom, that you may be of service to 
him and his Church." 

When, on the same day, he saw one of his granddaugh- 
ters, Peucer's eldest child, passing before his bed, he called 
her to him, and said : " Dear daughter, I have loved you 
most afi*ectionately : see that you reverence your parents, 
and always obey them, and fear God, who will never for- 
sake you. May God Almighty protect you, and give you 
his blessing. Amen!" 

He also spoke in the same friendly manner to the other 
children, who were younger, and exhorted them to pray 



HE DIES. 351 

and to be pious. To his daughter he said : '' Dear daugh- 
ter, God has given you a pious husband. Love, honor, 
and obey him. And raise your children in the fear of God, 
and God will be with you, and will not forsake you." He 
spoke like one who was taking leave. 

Camerarius was written to on the following day, and 
informed that he must make haste, if he wished to find 
his Philip alive. But it was impossible for him to arrive 
before the death of his friend. At 8 o'clock on the 18th 
of April he had some food prepared for himself, and par- 
took of a little broth, and a few slices of lemon. Soon 
after he asked his son-in-law, "What hopes he entertained 
in regard to him, and that he should not hide anything 
from him." Peucer replied : '' God is your life, and the 
length of the days of your life. But as you request me 
to tell the whole truth, there is indeed very little hope, as 
far as I am able to judge from natural causes, for you are 
very weak, and your weakness is increasing every mo- 
ment." Upon this he said: "Yes, I feel my weakness, 
and understand what it imports very well. I have com- 
mended the whole matter to God, whom I pray to deal 
mercifully with me !" 

He had before commenced his will, which opened with a 
short declaration of all the articles of his doctrine and 
faith. He now ordered them to look for it, in order that 
he might finish it. But it could not be found, and it was 
supposed some one had stolen it. At 2 o'clock he seated 
himself at his desk, to write another. We will insert a 
part of what he wrote : "In the year 1560, on the eigh- 
teenth day of April, I have written this will in my sick- 
ness, briefly in reference to the humble possessions which 
God has bestowed upon me. I have twice before written 
the confession of my faith, and gratitude to God and our 



852 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

Lord Jesus Clirist, but this has been lost. But I wish my 
answer to the Bavarian articles to be looked upon as my 
confession against the Papists, Anabaptists, the followers 
of Flacius, and others like them." 

He then expressed his wishes in regard to the division 
of his property among his heirs ; but his weakness pre- 
vented him from concluding it, which he intended to do on 
the following day, but it was never done. He was in full 
possession of all his mental faculties, and remained so to 
the end. As he felt no pain in his head at all, some sup- 
posed that he would die very painfully. He also conversed 
with his son-in-law in regard to the affairs of the Univer- 
sity, what subjects should be taught there, and also pointed 
out his successor. At three o'clock, he expressed a wish 
to retire to his room again. He slept soundly until six. 
In the meantime, letters had arrived from Frankfort, in 
which his friends informed him how terribly the pious were 
being persecuted in France. He said: "Well, I am weak, 
and do not feel well ; but all my sickness does not pain me 
as much as the great misery of the holy Christian Church, 
which arises from the unnecessary separation, wickedness, 
and wilfulness, of those who have departed from us without 
cause ; and these mad people are not able to stop, but must 
still go on and make this misery worse than it is ; for they 
do not spare any one. But yon will see that God will 
punish this wantonness, and we shall be punished along 
with them. However, our punishment shall be that which 
a father inflicts. But they shall be compelled to suffer 
severer punishment. I deeply commiserate the poor people 
who are so wretchedly deceived." He continued to utter 
his complaints thus for a long time, and it affected him 
very much. His friends also read other letters to him, of 
more cheering character. Thus the conversation was 



HE DIES. 353 

turned into a different channel, he thought of several 
friends and acquaintances, and even uttered a few words in 
jest. His friends conversed with him until about eight 
o'clock, and entertained the best hopes in regard to his 
condition. Before retiring to rest, he ate a few preserved 
cherries, and drank a little wine, to strengthen himself for 



It was his last night, for the 19th of April was the day 
of his death. His sleep was very much disturbed. At 
two o'clock at night, he rose in the bed, and said to the 
physician who was present, that he had slept very little. 
He had again thought of the word of Paul, "If God be 
for us, who can be against us ?" He thought of the misery 
and troubles of the Church with great sorrow; and his 
complaints were finally changed into fervent prayers for 
the whole Christian Church. He spoke with his son-in-law 
until about three o'clock, and was then led into his study. 
After walking up and down for some time, he laid himself 
upon his travelling-bed, and fell asleep, breathing very 
easily. "When he awoke about 6 o'clock, he requested his 
son-in-law to cut off his hair. This was done. He had 
three clean linen shirts brought to him, which he put on, 
one over the other, as he had been in the habit of doing 
for years, in order to keep his body warm. He also placed 
a clean night-cap upon his head, for he was in the habit of 
always wearing one at home ; and he remarked that he 
had learned this of the celebrated Dr. Reuchlin. In this 
manner he adorned himself for his departure. Soon after, 
the minister of Torgau, together with his chaplain, Fisher, 
and the physician Kentman, of Torgau, came to pay a visit 
to the sick man. He conversed with these friends for 
about half an hour. He said that he did not feel particu- 
larly troubled on account of himself, but that he deeply 
30* 



854 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

felt the sad condition of the Church ; for men were exciting 
wanton and useless controversies, dividing the Church, and 
darkening the truth of the pure doctrine by violence. But 
that he also had the consolation to know, that by the grace 
of God, the true doctrine is rightly explained in our 
churches; and thus concluded: ''If I die, I shall escape 
coming misfortunes, and shall be torn away from this 
unhappy, sophistical, and strange year of nature." 

He began to pray with tears, and to commend the 
Church to the Son of God, our Lord and Saviour Jesus 
Christ. When the three friends were about to depart, he 
invited them to dinner. They accepted the invitation ; 
but one of them received word that his daughter was taken 
ill. They then came to bid him farewell ; and the invalid 
exhorted them to pray for the churches and schools, and 
said : " I know very well that you do so. The Almighty 
God be with you!" This w^as at 7 o'clock, and he was 
exceedingly weak. 

In the meantime his pastor, several deacons, professors, 
and other persons came in. Eight o'clock was the hour 
when the fever was expected ; his strength decreased per- 
ceptibly, and at last he fainted. His friends restored him, 
and he slept quietly for a little while. When he awoke, 
he began to repeat his customary prayer. He spoke with 
a very feeble voice, yet every word could be heard. He 
prayed : "0 Almighty, Eternal, living and true God, 
Creator of heaven, and earth, and men, together with thy 
co-eternal Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, who was crucified 
for us and raised from the dead, and thy living, pure, and 
true holy Spirit ; thou wise, good, faithful, gracious and 
just God ; thou voluntary, pure, and faithful Saviour, who 
givest life and law, thou hast said : ' I have no pleasure in 
the death of the sinner, but rather that he should return 



HE DIES. 355 

imto me and live ;' and who hast also said, ' Call upon me 
in the day of trouble, and I will deliver thee.' I confess 
myself a poor sinner before thee, who is burdened with 
many sins ; for I have offended against thy holy command- 
ments in many ways, and I mourn from my heart that I 
have offended thee, and pray thee, for the sake of thy dear 
Son, our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, who was nailed 
to the cross for our sakes, and was raised again from the 
dead, that thou wouldst have mercy upon me, forgive me 
my sins, and justify me by and for the sake of the Lord 
Jesus Christ, who is thy eternal word and image, whom 
thou didst deliver as a sacrifice, mediator, Redeemer, and 
Saviour, led by thy wonderful and indescribable counsels, 
and inscrutable wisdom and mercy. And I also pray thee 
to sanctify me by thy holy, living, pure, and true Spirit, 
so that I may truly acknowledge, and firmly believe, obey, 
thank, fear, and invoke thee, behold thy gracious counte- 
nance with joy throughout all eternity, and for ever serve 
thee, the Almighty, true God, Creator of heaven and earth, 
and men, the everlasting Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, 
and also Jesus Christ, thy dear Son, thine eternal word 
and image, and thy Holy Spirit, the true, pure, and living 
Comforter. In thee have I hoped, Lord : let me never 
be confounded : in thy righteousness deliver me. Make 
me righteous, and bring me unto eternal life ; thou hast 
redeemed me, thou God of faithfulness and truth. Keep 
and rule our churches and government, and this scliool. 
Bestow a salutary peace and government upon them. Kule 
and protect our princes and government ; gather and pre- 
serve an everlasting Christian Church unto thyself in these 
lands. Sanctify and unite it by thy Holy Spirit, that it 
may be one in thee, in the true knowledge and worship of 
thy dear Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, b}^ and through him, 



356 LIFE OF MELANCIITnON. 

tliy eternal Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, who for our sakes 
was nailed to the cross, and raised again from the dead. 
Almighty, eternal Son of God, thou faithful Lord and Sa- 
viour Jesus Christ, who art the eternal word and image of 
the eternal Father, our Mediator and Saviour, crucified 
for us and raised again, I give thee most hearty thanks 
that thou didst assume our human nature, and art ordained 
my Redeemer, that in the flesh thou didst suffer, and arise 
from the dead, and now intercedest for me, I beseech thee 
regard and have mercy upon me, for I am lonely and poor ; 
increase the light of faith in me, by thy Holy Spirit, bear 
with me in my weakness, rule, protect, and sanctify me ; 
in thee, Lord, have I hoped ; let me never be confounded. 
Almighty, Holy Spirit, true, pure, and living Comforter, 
illuminate, rule, and sanctify me, strengthen faith in my 
heart and in my soul, give me true consolation, preserve 
and rule me, that I may dwell in the house of the Lord all 
the days of my life, that I may behold the beauty of the 
Lord, and may be and remain for ever a holy temple of the 
Lord, and praise God for ever with a joyful spirit in that 
eternal heavenly Church and Congregation." 

Thus he prayed. This prayer must have exhausted him 
very much, for he leaned back upon his bed, and slumbered 
for some time. But suddenly he opened his eyes, and said 
to Peucer : "I have been in the power of death, but the 
Lord has graciously delivered me." He repeated this 
several times, and as it could only be explained by sup- 
posing that he had passed through some severe internal 
conflict, Magister John St-urio said to him : " There is 
now no condemnation to them that are in Christ Jesus." 
Melanchthon soon added : " Christ is made to us wisdom, 
righteousness, sanctification, and redemption, in order 
that, as it is written, '^ Let him that glorieth, glory in the 



HE DIES. 357 

Lord." He also frequently repeated the words : '' Oh 
Lord, have mercy upon me !" His pulse was gone, his 
hands and feet became cold, his breathing short, his eyes, 
temples, and the pit of his neck fell in, and his strength 
was failing very rapidly. It was easy to see that the hour 
of his departure was near. He was asked whether he 
did not wish to eat something. When he signified his 
willingness, they made him a soup of Hamburg beer. 
He ate about three spoonsful, and remarked : " What 
a very good soup this is !" He did not eat or drink any- 
thing more after this, but requested them to raise him up, 
because he wished to finish his will. But when he found 
that he was too weak, he said : ''Oh God, that I should 
be seized so unexpectedly." He laid his hands before him, 
and sat for a little while, and then laid himself doAvn. The 
heat of the fever was still so strong, that he left his feet 
uncovered, although they were extremely cold. He was 
able to turn about in his bed without assistance. About 1 
o'clock he fainted again. Being restored by rubbing, he 
said, "Ah, what are you doing?" While he was thus 
lying perfectly still, the Pastor thought it proper to read 
some portions of the Old and New Testaments to him. 
He, and the two Deacons, Froshel and Sturio, now alter- 
nately read the 24th, 25th, and 26th Psalms, the 53d 
chapter of Isaiah, the 14th, 15th, 16th, and 17th chapters 
of John, Romans v., and several other chapters and verses 
of Paul and the prophets. When they were done and 
silent, the dying man said, in a loud and distinct voice : 
" I perpetually bear in mind the word of John of the Son 
of God, my Lord Jesus Christ: The World knew him not; 
— but as many as received him, to them gave he power to 
become the sons of God, even to them that believe on his 
name." He then continued to pray silently; his lips were 



858 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

moving, but no one understood wliat lie was saying. Those 
professors, whose duty it was to lecture in the afternoon, 
gave notice of the postponement of their lectures, in which 
they stated the reason, and called upon the students to 
unite their prayers with their own. A great excitement 
arose among the students and citizens, and all were filled 
with sorrow. All were anxiously awaiting the end. 

Within, the dying man was lying in the struggle of 
death, his eyes half open, and his body very restless. He 
did not speak, unless a question was put to him, although 
he was fully conscious. His son-in-law asked him whether 
he wished to have anything. "Nothing but heaven," he 
replied, " and therefore do not ask me such questions any 
more." 

About 3 o'clock in the afternoon, when his head had 
slipped from the pillow, and he was lying in an uncomfort- 
able position, they attempted to raise him and alter his 
position, when he fainted again. He was soon restored. 
" Ah, what are you doing ?" he said, " why do you disturb 
my sweet repose ? let me rest unto the end, for it will not 
last very long." 

As they saw that his end was approaching, several per- 
sons united in prayer to God that he would be pleased soon 
to grant him a blessed dismission. The Pastor began to 
pray in a very consoling manner, and all in the room fell 
upon their knees, and united in prayer with him. Those 
passages of Scripture which he was known to have re- 
garded with peculiar interest, were now repeated, such as, 
"Let not your heart be troubled; so also, John 15, 16, 
17, also 10 : " Whoever loves me, will keep my command- 
ments." "My sheep hear my voice." Also, Rom. \dii., 
" If God be for us, who can be against us ?" 

Several persons, who had not taken any food throughout 



HE DIES. 859 

the day, now went to table, but soon returned. It was in 
the evening at 6 o'clock, and the dying man was lying 
still, when Froshel arose, and pronounced the benediction 
upon him : " The Lord bless thee and keep thee ! The 
Lord make his face to shine on thee, and be gracious unto 
thee ! The Lord lift up his countenance on thee, and give 
thee peace !" Yeit Winsheim, Doctor of Medicine, and 
Professor of Greek, repeated the words of the Psalm 
to him : " Into thy hands I commend my spirit ; Lord, 
thou hast delivered me, thou righteous and faithful God !" 
He asked him whether he heard him ? The dying man 
replied, " Yes!" loud enough to be heard by all. It was 
his last word upon the earth. 

Proshel now repeated the Creed, the Lord's prayer, and 
the words " Lord Jesus Christ, into thy hands I commend 
my spirit !" he repeated several times. When he repeated 
them for the third time, Melanchthon moved his lips as if 
he was praying. More than twenty persons were gazing 
upon the dying man. Without the slightest motion, this 
worthy man gently fell asleep in the evening, at 7 o'clock, 
in the very same hour in which he first beheld the light of 
this world, 63 years and 63 days before. In the midst of 
prayer he celebrated his return home, as the old account 
says, " to his beloved Lord Jesus Christ, whom he always 
praised with his heart and mouth. With him he no doubt 
now enjoys everlasting happiness and glory, together with 
all the elect. May our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, 
help us all to enjoy the same, and may he grant us all a 
happy end, and joyous dismission, whenever it shall please 
him to call us away. Amen." 



Winsheim, who delivered his funeral oration, said: 
" Failing gradually, he ceased to breathe almost without 



360 LIFE OF M E L A :. C H T II N . 

feeling death, and lay like one who is asleep ; his face was 
not distorted, and his features were not changed, as is 
generally the case with the dead." When the beloved 
teacher had thus closed his eyes, the tidings of this event 
spread rapidly through the city. The students, greatly 
distressed, came to the house in great numbers. It was 
very easy to see how much they had loved him. ^he Uni- 
versity soon informed the Elector of this sad event. The 
body was laid out in the study during the same evening. 
On the morning of the 20th of April, the artist, Lucas 
Kranach, painted his portrait. All were anxious to behold 
the beloved body, and permission was given to all during 
that and the following day. 

No one looked upon the beloved countenance, without 
tears. Some touched his head ; others took his hand, and 
pressed it. Many kissed him, with many tears. The 
citizens brought their children to look upon him, so that 
they might be able to say, in future times, what kind of 
man he was. His body was placed in a leaden coffin, and 
this again in one of wood, and with other papers, the fol- 
lowing was also placed in it : " In this coffin, Philip 
Melanchthon was buried, who was a professor of the 
Holy Scriptures, and the good arts, for 42 years. He was 
an excellent, learned, pleasant, sensible, sincere, pious, 
and holy man ; patient and benevolent towards the poor, 
the most faithful and diligent assistant of the sainted and 
revered Doctor Martin Luther, in explaining and establish- 
ing the pure doctrine of the divine word, which had been 
darkened by the fraud of the Roman Popes, the juggling 
of the monks, and a great number of abuses. He also 
prepared the Augsburg Confession^ which w^as delivered to 
the Emperor Charles V., in 1530, after the purification 



HE DIES. 361 

and exposition of the true doctrine had begun in 1517, 
and a change had also taken place in these churches. And 
he continued to defend the truth of the heavenly doctrine 
for 30 years, upon public diets, and privately, as is proved 
by his writings, which have been published to the world." 
After this follows a short account of the events of his life, 
from his birth to his death. 

The funeral took place on the 21st of April. Joachim 
Camerarius, and Dr. Morch, of Leipzig, arrived at nine 
o'clock in the morning. His great grief would not suffer 
him to look upon the body of his beloved friend once more. 
The procession set out in the afternoon. The students 
came first, and were followed by the body, borne by the 
professors of philosophy, who were dressed in long black 
funeral robes. After them came the relatives, the other 
professors, the city council, strange noblemen and others, 
students and citizens. The cofiin was first taken to the 
parish church, where it was set down before the altar, on 
the very spot where Melanchthon had been in the habit of 
kneeling when priests were ordained. A psalm and seve- 
ral other hymns, were sung here. The Pastor, Paul Eber, 
then mounted the pulpit, and preached the funeral sermon, 
from the words in 1 Thess. iv. From the parish Church, 
the procession moved towards the Electoral Church. There 
the body was deposited by the side of Luther's grave. 
Yeit Winsheim mounted a pulpit which had been erected 
near it, and delivered an excellent and moving Latin, 
address. He closed it in the following words : "He has 
left us, and all his, the churches of these dominions, and 
the University, in a painful state of anxiety. At the very 
time when we are tossed about by the ocean-storms, we 
have lost our pilot, at the very time when we need him 
31 



362 LIFE OF MELANCIITHON. 

most, and could spare him less than ever before. But it is 
not difficult to understand what God means by taking such 
men from the world, in order that they may not see the 
coming distresses. I do not wish to be a prophet of mis- 
fortunes ; but let us cultivate repentance and patience, so 
that we may either escape from the wrath of God, or that 
we may be able to bear his paternal chastisement, if it be 
necessary. For the death of such men should incite us to 
piety, to repentance, and more fervent prayer; and also 
to preserve the inheritance left us by these two men, 
Luther and Melanchthon ; namely, the pure doctrines of 
truth, with the greatest prudence, diligence, and fidelity. 
For this is not the time for security and sleep, but for 
watchfulness. We have all seen what came to pass after 
Luther's death; let every one reflect for himself, what 
things are to be expected now." After this, the body was 
deposited in its resting-place, by the side of Luther. The 
whole community assisted at these funeral solemnities. 
There was such a concourse of persons of every condition 
and age, that Wittenberg had never seen one to exceed it. 
All were deeply moved, and many tears were shed.* 

■^ His well-known friend and pupil, John Matthesius, wrote an 
epitaph in verse, which the author says he proposes to lay upon the 
godly man's grave as a lovely flower. Despairing of being able to 
give it to the reader in a good translation, we have omitted it in the 
text, and propose to give it as well as we can in simple prose: "A 
honey-flower, sprung from hlach earth (alluding to the name Me- 
lanchthon, or Schwartzerd), worthy of the crown of honor and 
praise, withered by the intense, heat, lies at rest here. Many grate- 
ful little bees sipped and made honey from it, for the comfort and 
instruction of Christendom ; and therefore many churches and 
schools are filled with sorrow. This little flower has satisfied many 
insects and wild birds with its perfume and precious nectar. God 



HE DIES. 363 

A small plate of metal, in the floor, still marks Me- 
lanchthon's resting-place, while another on the wall pre- 
sents his portrait, and eulogizes the great and ever to he 
remembered reformer and teacher, not only of Germany, 
but of entire evangelical Christendom. 

The Wittenberg account closes with the following prayer, 
with which we, too, shall end our narrative : 

" And we hereby earnestly and heartily beseech God, 
that he will be pleased to gather and preserve an everlast- 
ing Christian Church among us, and in these lands, and 
the entire human race, through his dear Son, our Lord and 
Saviour Jesus Christ ; and that he will also preserve us 
against factions and schisms, and grant us courage and 

has done much good by it in the Church, school, house, and govern- 
ment, and now all its labors and dangers are at an end. Neither 
caterpillars, bees, horse-flies, wasps, nor nettles, burdock, thistle, or 
cockle, could destroy this sweet little flower; and it continued to 
praise God, and to instruct men at all hours. Many a spider crept 
over it, many poisonous reptiles pierced it; but yet it lives, and 
slumbers in this shrine, and its work will never be forgotten. God 
now wipes away its tears, and refreshes it with the dew of heaven. 
Its little leaves give out a pleasant perfume, and in a short time it 
will live again. When the bones and skin of faithful teachers shall 
blossom like the green herb, then its faith, patience, and industry, 
will receive praise, thanksgiving, and honor. Whosoevey, therefore, 
performs a pilgrimage to this shrine, let him drop a longing tear, 
and sigh with us from the depths of his heart, for God is pleased 
with a grateful heart and mouth. Lord Christ, come and show thy 
glor}^ which is prepared for this little flower. Help thy church in 
all her distresses, by thy intercessions, and bloody wounds. Preserve 
all thy little bees, and the leaves of this little flower, in thine own 
cypress shrine, for they are the witnesses of thy name. Thy word, 
and the writings of good men, avail against murder and the poison 
of Satan, teach, comfort, refresh, and warn every one; but an evil 
book is the cause of all misery.'' 



364 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. 

strength to oppose tliem confidently and successfully. 
And as human strength and wisdom are too weak to 
accomplish this, we beseech the Eternal Son of God, that 
he would abundantly pour out his Holy Spirit by his word, 
in our hearts and those of all believers, so that we may 
obtain knowledge and wisdom, and be ruled and guided in 
all things, in order that his holy Divine name may be 
praised and glorified by us and the whole Christian Church, 
here in this world, and forever in the world to come. 
Amen." 



THE END. 



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THE LIFE OF PHILIP MELANCHTHON, 

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PROCTOR'S PIISTORY OF THE CRUScVi;>ES 
"With 154 Illustrations. 



HISTOHY OF THE CRUSADES, 

XflEIH RISE, PROGRESS, AND RESULTS. By Major Proctor, tt th« 

Royal Military Academy. 



CONTENTS. 
CHAPTER I. The First Crusade. — Causes of the Crnsades — Preaching oi tJifc 
First Crusade — Peter the Hermit — The Crusade undertaken by the People — 
The Crusade undertaken by the Kings and Nobles — The First Crusaders at 
Constantinople — The Siege of Nice — Defeat of the Turks — Seizure of Edessa— 
Siege and Capture of Antioch by the Crusaders — Defence of Antioch by the 
Crusaders — Siege and Capture of Jerusalem by the Crusaders. 

CIIAPTER II. The Second Crusade.— State of the Latin Fingdom— Origin 
of the Orders of Religious Chivalry — Fall of Edessa — Preaching of the Second 
Crusade — Louis VIL and Conrad III. in Palestine. 

CHAPTER in. The Third Crusade.— The Rise of Saladin— Ratfle of Tibe- 
rias, and Fall of Jerusalem — The Germans undertake the Crusade- Richard 
Cceur de Lion in Palestine. 

CHAPTER IV. The Fourth Crusade.— The French, Germans, and TLalians 
unite in the Crusade — Affairs of the Eastern Empire — Expedition aga3T:&+, Con- 
stantinople — Second Siege of Constantinople. 

CHAPTER V. The Last Four Crusades.— History of the Latin EmpL-e 6! 
the East— The Fifth Crusade— The Sixth Crusade— The Seventh Crusade- -The 
Eighth Crusade. 

CHAPTER VI. — Consequences of the Crusades. 



At the present time, when a misunderstanding concerning the Holy Places at 
Jerusalem has given rise to a war involving four of the great Powers of Europe, 
the mind naturally reverts to the period when nearly all the military powers of 
Europe made a descent on Palestine for the recovery of them from the possession 
of the infidels. It would seem that the interest in these places is still alive; and 
the history of the Holy Wars in Paleiitine during a considerable portion of the 
Middle Ages, maybe supposed to form an attractive theme for the general reader. 

Under this impression Major Proctor's excellent "History of the Crusades" haa 
been carefully revised, some additions made, a series of illustrative engravings, 
executed by first-rate artists, introduced, and the edition is now respectfully sub- 
Boittod to the public. 

The editor, in the performaruce of his duty, has been strucK with the masterly, 
clear, and lucid method in which the author has executed the work — a work of 
considerable difficulty, when we consider the long period and the multiplicity of 
Important events embraced in the history; nor has the editor been less impr€ssed 
with the vigorous style, and the happy power of giving vividness, colour, and 
ILrilling interest to the events which he narrates, so conspicuous in Major Proc- 
ter's history. No other historian of the Crusades has succeeded in comprising bo 
complete and entertaining a narrative in so reasonable a compass. 

A Handsome Octavo Volume, bound in Cloth, with appropriate Designs, $2.00 
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